tag:theconversation.com,2011:/us/topics/afrophobia-29563/articlesAfrophobia – The Conversation2021-04-13T14:43:15Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1572542021-04-13T14:43:15Z2021-04-13T14:43:15ZFifty years, five problems - and how Nigeria can work with China in future<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/392810/original/file-20210331-13-1oqs43e.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Vendors in front of their shop in China Town, Ojota, Lagos</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/vendors-sit-in-front-of-their-shop-in-the-deserted-china-news-photo/1203737316?adppopup=true">Pius Utomi Ekpei/AFP via Getty Images </a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Since establishing diplomatic relations on <a href="http://ng.china-embassy.org/eng/zngx/cne/t142490.htm">10 February 1971</a>, Nigeria’s relationship with China has developed into one of the most important bilateral relationships maintained by either country. </p>
<p>Apart from the exchange of high level visits, Chinese companies and money have found their way into Nigeria, Africa’s largest economy. They are involved in <a href="https://www.readcube.com/articles/10.1007%2Fs11366-016-9453-8?author_access_token=WPKvbExnHCczCqgM0LI_Hve4RwlQNchNByi7wbcMAY7OLvXN-XgPiWgO5WDqKEtaTSOh-plEmXHRWQp1VgNkOrh4kU-Bs4v4HZ-lddROqoFazhV8tFcaZvfUEQCEf6kV1IHlJiRJsOMU13MAf4YvUQ==">a variety of major projects</a> in Nigeria. </p>
<p>As at 31 March 2020, Chinese loans to Nigeria stood at <a href="https://www.dmo.gov.ng/facts-about-chinese-loans-to-nigeria">US$3.121 billion</a>, which is 11.28% of the country’s external debt of US$27.67 billion. The growing trade and presence of Chinese finance in Nigeria has also led to changing narratives about <a href="https://za.boell.org/en/2018/10/09/nigerian-migrants-china-changing-narrative">increased</a> migration on both sides.</p>
<p>Over the years, Nigeria’s relationship with China has broadened and deepened with China’s growing power and interest in securing its regional interests (particularly within the South China Sea), and taking its place as a major global actor. Although Nigeria has largely stayed away from China’s fairly assertive regional posture, it’s affirmation of a commitment to the <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-38285354">‘One-China Policy’</a> has been important to China. Nigeria demonstrated this by the <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-taiwan-nigeria/taiwan-says-nigeria-wants-it-to-move-its-trade-office-from-abuja-idUSKBN14W0IX">forced relocation</a> of Taiwan trade office from Abuja to Lagos in 2017.</p>
<p>The governments of both Nigeria and China often describe their relationship as a <a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2018-11/06/c_137585555.htm">“win win”</a> partnership – a term China often <a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2019-06-28/President-Xi-China-Africa-cooperation-always-produces-win-win-results-HTaBDoIaDC/index.html">uses</a> to describe its relationships with other African countries.</p>
<p>During former Chinese President Hu Jintao’s visit to Nigeria in 2006, his host and then Nigerian President, Olusegun Obasanjo, <a href="https://www.readcube.com/articles/10.1007%2Fs11366-016-9453-8?author_access_token=WPKvbExnHCczCqgM0LI_Hve4RwlQNchNByi7wbcMAY7OLvXN-XgPiWgO5WDqKEtaTSOh-plEmXHRWQp1VgNkOrh4kU-Bs4v4HZ-lddROqoFazhV8tFcaZvfUEQCEf6kV1IHlJiRJsOMU13MAf4YvUQ==">remarked</a>:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>From our assessment, this twenty-first century is the century for China to lead the world. And when you are leading the world, we want to be close behind you. When you are going to the moon, we don’t want to be left behind.</p>
</blockquote>
<h2>Bitter sweet mixture</h2>
<p>But 50 years of Nigeria-China relations has been a bitter-sweet mixture. At independence, Nigeria’s pro-British and pro-West foreign policy <a href="https://www.ijrhss.org/papers/v6-i11/1.pdf">had no dedicated space or support</a> for communist China.</p>
<p>During the <a href="https://www.blackpast.org/global-african-history/nigerian-civil-war-1967-1970/">Nigeria-Biafra war</a>, the Nigerian government received arms support the <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/319766091_Strange_Bedfellows_An_Unlikely_Alliance_between_the_Soviet_Union_and_Nigeria_during_the_Biafran_War">from USSR</a> - but not China. It has been <a href="https://academic.oup.com/afraf/article-abstract/75/298/14/102588?redirectedFrom=PDF">reported</a> that China supported Biafra in terms of small arms and ammunition via Tanzania.</p>
<p>After the war, the Nigerian government <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/338739945_Gowon's_Three_R's_and_Yar'Adua's_General_Amnesty_an_Analysis_of_Policy_Failures_Security_Challenges_and_Consequences_in_the_West_African_Atlantic_Seaboard">implemented</a> the 3Rs - reconciliation, reconstruction and rehabilitation. It also visited countries in the West and East. It was within this context that Nigeria, along with other African countries, supported the <a href="https://china.usc.edu/united-nations-admits-peoples-republic-china-october-25-1971">1971 resolution</a> to accept China as a full-fledged member of the UN.</p>
<p>An economic exhibition followed in <a href="http://ng.china-embassy.org/eng/zngx/cne/t792194.htm">1972</a> and <a href="https://www.oxfordreference.com/view/10.1093/oi/authority.20110803095902167">Yakubu Gowon</a>, Nigeria’s leader, visited Beijing <a href="https://www.wathi.org/two-distant-giants-china-and-nigeria-perceive-each-other/">in 1974</a>. But it was not until the early 1990s that China assumed an <a href="https://www.readcube.com/articles/10.1007%2Fs11366-016-9453-8?author_access_token=WPKvbExnHCczCqgM0LI_Hve4RwlQNchNByi7wbcMAY7OLvXN-XgPiWgO5WDqKEtaTSOh-plEmXHRWQp1VgNkOrh4kU-Bs4v4HZ-lddROqoFazhV8tFcaZvfUEQCEf6kV1IHlJiRJsOMU13MAf4YvUQ==">important role</a> in Nigeria.</p>
<p>The backlash from the West over the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1993/06/24/world/nigerian-military-rulers-annul-election.html">annulment</a> of the June 1993 presidential election forced Nigeria to look more towards China.</p>
<p>Thus, China became an important element for Nigeria’s response to Western sanctions and other forms of pressures, and strategies to force a preferred political outcome. China’s <a href="https://www.stimson.org/2019/conflict-mediation-chinese-characteristics-how-china-justifies-its-non-interference-policy/">non-interference policy</a> in the domestic affairs of other countries fitted well into <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-54929254">Sani Abacha</a>’s ultimate goal of becoming a civilian president. The period also coincided with the early beginnings of Beijing’s own “going global” policy that saw it unleash abroad its economic influence and multinational companies.</p>
<p>Under Abacha, an agreement was signed in 1995 with the China Civil Engineering Construction Corporation to take up projects -although some reports trace the company’s entrance into the Nigerian market to 1981. What is clear is that Nigeria is the company’s <a href="https://dailytrust.com/we-built-businesses-in-29-states-in-40yrs-ccecc">first overseas market </a>; and currently CCECC works in 29 of Nigeria’s 36 states.</p>
<p>Over the last 50 years, the Sino-Nigerian relationship has developed clear patterns. Roughly, the first 20 years may be described as a political phase. The ensuing decade was a mixed era of political and economic features while the last 20 years or so show an intensification of China’s economic presence in Nigeria. Clearly, the relationship has become more economic as China evolved from a political power to a global economic giant.</p>
<p>However, after a half century of official relationship, the time has become ripe for a review of the balance sheet. </p>
<h2>The “win-win” smiles</h2>
<p>China is one of the most important <a href="https://www.dmo.gov.ng/facts-about-chinese-loans-to-nigeria">lenders of development finance to Nigeria</a>. Chinese firms and finance play a prominent role in Nigeria’s infrastructure development. This is <a href="https://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/2018-04/sr_423_chen_final.pdf">notably in the construction</a> of railway lines and road (re)construction across the country. Some <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-maltreatment-of-nigerians-in-china-may-not-end-soon-137828">examples</a> are the $874 million, 187km Abuja-Kaduna rail; the $1.2 billion, 312km Lagos-Ibadan expressway; the $1.1 billion Kano-Kaduna railway lines and the $600 million airport terminals in Abuja, Lagos, Port Harcourt and Kano. </p>
<p>Nigeria is also <a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5652847de4b033f56d2bdc29/t/5ea7317f6ed4781cebc9c0ce/1588015487828/WP+36+-+Chen+-+Manufacturing+Nigeria.pdf">one</a> of Africa’s top destinations for Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI). Although accurate figures are <a href="https://www.chinausfocus.com/finance-economy/deciphering-chinese-investment-in-nigeria">difficult</a> to ascertain, it is estimated that about 5% of Chinese FDI stocks in Africa and 4.6% of FDI inflow in 2019 <a href="http://www.sais-cari.org/chinese-investment-in-africa">goes to Nigeria</a>.</p>
<p>Data on trade between the two nations for the first 30 years of their relationship is not available. Nevertheless, more reliable data has been available since 2003. Since then trade between the two nations has increased from <a href="http://ng.china-embassy.org/eng/zngx/cne/t142490.htm">US$1.86 billion</a> to an estimated <a href="https://punchng.com/chinese-companies-investments-in-nigeria-hit-20bn-cccn/">US$20 billion</a> in 2019. Trade flows are in China’s favour, with China running a trade surplus of about US$17.5 billion for the years 2015 to 2018. Nigeria sells crude oil to China and, in turn, buys manufactured goods.</p>
<p>China also contributes to the development of Nigeria’s human capital. Many Nigerian students now <a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-08/09/c_138296964.htm">study</a> in Chinese schools – with a few on scholarship. Chinese companies are also building <a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-12/03/c_138602919.htm">education</a> and <a href="https://www.huawei.com/en/news/2016/10/huawei-innovation-experience-center-nigeria">training</a> facilities in Nigeria.</p>
<h2>The underbellies of win-win</h2>
<p>The relationship is not without its problems. Aside from <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-maltreatment-of-nigerians-in-china-may-not-end-soon-137828">racism</a> against Nigerians and other black people in China, there are four other problems.</p>
<p>First is the negative impact of Chinese imports on Nigerian industries, of which the biggest casualty has been <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/nigeria-china-arrests/nigeria-arrests-45-illegal-chinese-textile-traders-idUKL5E8GNDBM20120523?edition-redirect=uk">textiles</a>.</p>
<p>For example, in Kano - which is considered to be one of the main textiles cities in <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/4006534?seq=1">northern Nigeria</a>, an estimated <a href="https://www.pmnewsnigeria.com/2015/09/02/chinese-textile-materials-send-28000-kano-dyers-out-of-business/">28,000 Nigerians</a> lost their jobs to Chinese imports as at 2015. </p>
<p>Nigeria’s shoe industry has also taken <a href="https://dailytrust.com/how-chinese-products-are-killing-made-in-aba-shoes">a big hit</a>. </p>
<p>The second problem relates to the bad treatment of Nigerian workers by their Chinese employers. There have been many <a href="https://books.google.com.ng/books?id=A3XhCgAAQBAJ&pg=PA191&lpg=PA191&dq=between+the+dragon%27s+gift+and+its+claws&source=bl&ots=Bg8CxNqchq&sig=ACfU3U0RQwuwsBqTK7oqr8dUQV6zpZcsvQ&hl=en&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwj9-9C-7KzvAhV04uAKHf3lARwQ6AEwEHoECBEQAw#v=onepage&q=between%20the%20dragon's%20gift%20and%20its%20claws&f=false">instances of maltreatment</a> of these workers. This raises questions about the ability of Nigerian government to develop – or enforce – appropriate labour laws and conduct regular inspection of work places.</p>
<p>Third is the issue of <a href="https://www.pmnewsnigeria.com/2011/06/17/chinese-prisoners-invade-nigeria/">unsubstantiated claims </a> about Chinese companies in Nigeria. A good example is the claim that <a href="https://guardian.ng/news/rep-raises-concern-over-import-of-chinese-prisoners-to-work-in-nigeria/">China uses its prisoners</a> in construction projects in Nigeria.</p>
<p>The fourth problem relates to Chinese loans to Nigeria, which often generate concerns among citizens. These range from those that believe they are unsustainable to those that claim that the agreements <a href="https://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/more-news/406420-amaechi-explains-sovereignty-clause-in-500m-chinese-railway-loan.html">allow China to take over</a> Nigerian assets. These persist because of the secrecy surrounding the loans.</p>
<h2>Preparing for the next 25-50 years</h2>
<p>Nigeria now needs to prepare for the next 25 to 50 years.</p>
<p>China can continue to play an important role in Nigeria’s development. However, Nigeria must urgently address the negative side of the relationship. </p>
<p>First, Nigeria’s regulatory institutions, including the courts, standards setting bodies, ministries and agencies, must apply the laws of the country without fear or favour.</p>
<p>China has <a href="https://www.today.ng/news/nigeria/chinese-companies-obey-nigerian-labour-laws-foreign-minister-338004">said</a> it will not tolerate Chinese companies disregarding Nigeria’s labour laws. But, it is up to the local regulatory institutions to assert the supremacy of the Nigerian law.</p>
<p>Secondly, Chinese textile firms must be <a href="https://shipsandports.com.ng/between-nigerias-1-2bn-smuggled-textiles-and-chinas-2bn-investment/">encouraged</a> to create employment.</p>
<p>Lastly, people-to-people relationship must also be encouraged and strengthened.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/157254/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Abdul-Gafar Tobi Oshodi has previously received research funding or travel support from organisations like the KU Leuven, Research Foundation Flanders (FWO), Social Science Research Council (SSRC), University of Edinburgh, Lagos State University, Lagos State Government, Chatham House (i.e. Robert Bosch Stiftung), Centre for Population and Environmental Development (CPED), Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TETfund), Population Media Center (PMC), Economic Community for West African States (ECOWAS), Think Tank Initiative, and the Carnegie Corporation of New York. He is currently an American Council of Learned Societies’ African Humanities Program (ACLS-AHP) postdoctoral fellow, conducting research for a book entitled ‘Imageries of Mao Zedong's China in Ghanaian newspapers, 1957-1976.’ </span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Ufo Okeke Uzodike is affiliated with African Heritage Institution (AfriHeritage). The institute is a not-for-profit, non-partisan and independent think tank devoted to economic, social and peace research, capacity building, and networking. AfriHeritage’s history dates back to 2001 when operations commenced (nationally and across Africa) under the name “African Institute for Applied Economics'' (AIAE). Its name was changed in 2012 to African Heritage Institution in order to broaden its focus beyond economic issues. Its vision is for a renascent Africa that is democratic, prosperous and a frontline player in the global economy; and its Mission committed its management to work for positive social change through sustained advocacy to promote transparent and effective management and governance of the Nigerian and African economies. </span></em></p>Nigeria and China should work more on the relationship between their citizens so that the two countries can continue to have good bilateral relations.Abdul-Gafar Tobi Oshodi, Faculty member, Department of Political Science, Lagos State UniversityUfo Okeke Uzodike, Honorary Research Professor, Durban University of TechnologyLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1249042019-10-08T14:27:07Z2019-10-08T14:27:07ZBuhari’s visit to South Africa eased tensions. But more needs to be done<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/296020/original/file-20191008-128648-5a7rce.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">One of the immediate outcomes of talks between Muhammadu Buhari (left) and Cyril Ramaphosa was the easing of tensions.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">http://www.thepresidency.gov.za/</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>There were mixed feelings among Nigerians over President Muhammadu Buhari’s state visit to South Africa because of the <a href="https://theconversation.com/south-africa-a-new-narrative-could-tackle-anti-migrant-crisis-123145">recent xenophobic attacks</a> in the country. While many Nigerians disapproved of the visit, Buhari’s government <a href="https://www.timeslive.co.za/news/south-africa/2019-10-04-nigeria-in-sa-mzansi-reacts-to-ramaphosas-meeting-with-buhari/">insisted</a> that it was imperative to go ahead. Their argument was that it was vital for the two countries to continue working together.</p>
<p>The recent attacks sparked angry reactions in Nigeria. Some Nigerians called for <a href="https://www.businesslive.co.za/bd/national/2019-09-03-nigeria-calls-for-sanctions-on-sa-as-relations-flounder/">severing relations</a> with South Africa or imposing additional taxes on South African companies in Nigeria. They claimed these actions would serve as an ample response to the xenophobia and also send a signal to South Africa that xenophobia is unacceptable. </p>
<p>But others argued that there was a need to <a href="https://allafrica.com/stories/201909070010.html">mend the relationship</a> so that the two countries could prevent further chaos. Buhari heeded these calls, clearly choosing to tread the path of reconciliation when he visited South Africa. </p>
<p>His visit is important for three main reasons. First, to protect the close economic ties between the countries, second, the Nigerian government wants to be seen as proactively protecting its citizens abroad and lastly because the South African government had to do something to mend fences with its important ally. </p>
<h2>The drivers</h2>
<p>One of the main drivers behind Ramaphosa’s invitation, and Buhari’s visit, was the need to <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-safrica-nigeria/south-africa-nigeria-mend-relations-and-agree-trade-deals-idUSKBN1WI28I">ease tensions</a> between the two largest economies in Africa. </p>
<p>There are deep economic ties both ways. Over <a href="https://guardian.ng/news/120-south-african-companies-in-nigeria-risk-attacks/">120 South African companies</a> operate in Nigeria, ranging from mobile operators to retailers. </p>
<p>South Africa, on the other hand, is a significant buyer of Nigerian oil. There are also a <a href="https://allafrica.com/stories/201909070010.html">significant number</a> of Nigerian businesspeople, professionals and other migrants in South Africa.</p>
<p>Any further escalation would not only hurt the relationship but also threaten the economies of both countries. </p>
<p>Second, the Nigerian government has been <a href="https://www.channelstv.com/2019/09/03/killings-nigerian-government-have-failed-citizens-in-south-africa-mgbo/">previously accused</a> by the Nigeria Union South Africa (NUSA) of not protecting its own citizens abroad. The visit could therefore be seen in context of addressing the displeasure of Nigerians at home and also to assure those living in South Africa that the government takes their welfare seriously. </p>
<p>For his part Ramaphosa certainly made all the right noises. He reiterated South Africa’s <a href="https://www.dw.com/en/nigerias-president-buhari-visits-south-africa-amid-tensions-over-xenophobia/a-50690234">“deep regret”</a> over the violence and assured Nigerians living in the country of adequate protection.</p>
<p>Third, the visit could also help South Africa address tensions with other aggrieved African countries. These include Rwanda, Malawi and <a href="https://time.com/5671003/what-the-xenophobic-violence-gripping-south-africa-means-for-future-of-country/">Democratic Republic of Congo</a>. All have threatened to cut ties with South Africa over the attacks.</p>
<h2>Bilateral ties</h2>
<p>Although Nigeria and South Africa are often cast as rivals, they have a strong bilateral relationship founded over the decades. This springs in part from Nigeria’s historical role in its support for the liberation struggle against apartheid. Nigeria provided support, as well as <a href="https://www.iol.co.za/news/africa/south-africa-should-be-eternally-grateful-to-nigeria-7955145">financial backing</a> for the African National Congress (ANC) during its campaign against the apartheid regime. </p>
<p>For instance, after the <a href="https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/sharpeville-massacre-21-march-1960">Sharpeville massacre</a> in 1960, Nigeria led calls for sanctions against the apartheid regime. Under the auspices of the Organisation of African Unity, now the African Union, it championed the imposition of a trade embargo on the regime.</p>
<p>But relations haven’t always been cordial. For example, after the end of apartheid rule in 1994, South Africa put pressure on the international community to support the <a href="https://mg.co.za/article/1995-11-17-the-crisis-in-nigeria">protests against military rule </a> in Nigeria especially after the execution of Ogoni activists. This enraged the ruling military government. </p>
<p>Nigeria returned to democracy in 1999. This laid the ground for a renewal of cordial relations which resulted in several bilateral arrangements. For example, in October 1999, a South Africa-Nigeria Bi-National Commission was <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/26664032">established</a>. Several bilateral agreements on trade and investment followed.</p>
<p>The first major international partnership was in 2000, when president Olusegun Obasanjo of Nigeria and Thabo Mbeki of South Africa both attended the <a href="https://www.mofa.go.jp/region/africa/nigeria/meet0007.html">G8 meeting</a> of the world’s richest states to argue for debt forgiveness for African countries. Both leaders also played a significant role in the creation of the <a href="https://repository.up.ac.za/handle/2263/6453">New Partnership for African Development</a> (Nepad).</p>
<h2>What still needs to be done</h2>
<p>Buhari’s visit has already been judged successful by <a href="http://www.lagazzettadelsudafrica.net/index.php/current-news/6920-joint-communique-on-the-occasion-of-the-state-visit-to-south-africa-by-president-muhammadu-buhari-of-nigeria-and-the-inaugural-session-of-the-elevated-bnc-between-south-africa-and-nigeria">government</a> officials and media outlets in Nigeria. </p>
<p>But there are practical issues that must be addressed by both countries. </p>
<p>For the South African leader, there is need to act on attenuating the rhetoric that foreigners are responsible for the social ills in the country. For instance, the Mayor of Johannesburg, Herman Mashaba, has been accused of making “reckless” remarks against migrants which <a href="https://www.timeslive.co.za/politics/2017-09-01-mashaba-da-using-xenophobia-like-trump-says-rights-group/">“may incite more xenophobic violence”</a>.</p>
<p>For his part, Buhari needs to provide assurances of protection to South African businesses in Nigeria. He needs to reassure them that Nigeria will continue to protect them and their investments. </p>
<p>Both leaders also need to work together to reduce poverty, corruption and unemployment in their countries. These are some of the key issues stoking attacks and counter-attacks in both countries.</p>
<p>Although Nigeria and South Africa are the two largest economies on the continent, both face huge problems. When it comes to the <a href="http://hdr.undp.org/en/2018-update">human development index</a> Nigeria ranked 157 last year and South Africa 113 out of 189 . On corruption, <a href="https://www.transparency.org/cpi2018?gclid=CjwKCAjwxOvsBRAjEiwAuY7L8gTSkbKPUBpQ21QOG7WewFcH1QrSgr4kMJjtcBcn5saQvKpOyu65NBoC1pQQAvD_BwE">South-Africa was ranked 73 and Nigeria 144</a> out of 180 countries surveyed last year. </p>
<p>The ability of both to work together to address the issues holding back their development would go along way in determining their future together.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/124904/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Olayinka Ajala does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Although Nigeria and South Africa are often cast as rivals they have a strong bilateral relationshipOlayinka Ajala, Associate Lecturer and Conflict Analyst, University of YorkLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1236132019-09-19T12:08:26Z2019-09-19T12:08:26ZXenophobia puts South Africa’s moral authority in Africa at risk<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/292949/original/file-20190918-187980-3pvu0k.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">South African civil society and private citizens march in protest against xenophobic violence in Johannesburg.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">EPA-EFE/Yeshiel Panchia</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>South African President Cyril Ramaphosa was <a href="https://www.timeslive.co.za/news/south-Africa/2019-09-16-watch-ramaphosa-booed-at-mugabes-funeral-in-zimbabwe/">heckled</a> during the recent funeral service of Zimbabwe’s erstwhile leader Robert Mugabe. It was easy to guess why. When he stood to speak, Ramaphosa apologised for weeks of violence in his country <a href="https://theconversation.com/south-africa-a-new-narrative-could-tackle-anti-migrant-crisis-123145">targeted</a> at non-national Africans. </p>
<p>Immediately after this apology, <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s4en12UC9to">heckling turned into cheers</a>. His apology, a stroke of ingenuity, defused the tension. But it didn’t answer the key question that philosopher and political theorist <a href="https://www.nrf.ac.za/content/professor-achille-mbembe">Achille Mbembe</a> <a href="https://africasacountry.com/2015/04/achille-mbembe-writes-about-xenophobic-south-africa">once asked</a> in relation to xenophobic violence in South Africa:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>When we say ‘South Africa’, is ‘Africa’ an idea or simply a geographical accident? </p>
</blockquote>
<h2>Pan-Africanism</h2>
<p>To many, the answer appears pretty obvious: recent events that have seen people baying for the blood of “foreigners” makes the meaning of Africa in South Africa meaningless.</p>
<p>Importantly though, xenophobia is not a uniquely South African phenomenon. Nor is it simply a question of violence against non-national Africans. It is the consequences of the historical burden that colonialism has bequeathed the continent. This refers to colonially determined borders. </p>
<p>These borders separated African people into different nationalities. They were maintained after Africa’s independence. This spawned nationalisms. Xenophobia is the function of the contests of these nationalisms. As the British social scientist Michael Billig explains in his book, <a href="https://books.google.com/books/about/Banal_Nationalism.html?id=Y5A7CgAAQBAJ">Banal Nationalism</a>, </p>
<blockquote>
<p>the triumph of a particular nationalism is seldom achieved without the defeat of alternative nationalisms and other ways of imagining peoplehood.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Xenophobia negates the spirit of <a href="https://theconversation.com/sobukwes-pan-africanist-dream-an-elusive-idea-that-refuses-to-die-52601">pan-Africanism</a>, especially its laudable ideal that Africans share a mutual bond regardless of their geographical location. </p>
<p>That xenophobic incidents are increasing in post-apartheid South Africa is unexpected. In its formative years as a democracy since 1994, the country had assumed the leadership of the <a href="http://archive.unu.edu/unupress/mbeki.html">African Renaissance cause</a>. It was championed by former South African President of Thabo Mbeki who advocated pan-African <a href="Http://www.sahistory.org.za/sites/default/files/file%20uploads%20/10.1.1.548.1968.pdf">“cohesion of economics, culture, growth and development”</a>. </p>
<p>Mbeki eloquently <a href="https://books.google.co.za/books?id=eYmUDwAAQBAJ&pg=PT235&lpg=PT235&dq=atomistic+nation-state,+zero+sum+%5Btheir%5D+sovereignty,+and+%5Brecognise+their+interdependence&source=bl&ots=NM8GXUpN2L&sig=ACfU3U1cyA7bFXvt2F2rESQwT_svhMXmKQ&hl=en&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwjk-si44tfkAhXeSxUIHSo9BasQ6AEwAHoECAgQAQ#v=onepage&q=atomistic%20nation-state%2C%20zero%20sum%20%5Btheir%5D%20sovereignty%2C%20and%20%5Brecognise%20their%20interdependence&f=false">stated</a> that, for African countries to assert their influence in global affairs, their governments should</p>
<blockquote>
<p>(forego their) “atomistic nation-state, zero sum sovereignty, and recognise their interdependence”.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Why then do impulses of aggressive patriotism exist in the post-apartheid South Africa? Shouldn’t this pan-African disposition have foregrounded the term “Africa” in “South Africa” as an idea. Shouldn’t it even have shaped the country’s nation-building and state formation project?</p>
<h2>South Africanness and Afrophobia</h2>
<p>Xenophobia and pan-Africanism are antinomies. They have opposite implications on state formation and nation-building. </p>
<p>Xenophobia is a function of insularity – lack of interest in others’ culture, outside one’s own experience. South Africa’s insularity was facilitated by the fact that it was a pariah state for many years. The apartheid system’s strong border control played a role, too. The country internalised the intolerance of difference. This explains its social disorientation, suspicious of foreigners as <a href="https://www.versobooks.com/books/1133-mapping-the-%20nation">“unknown others”</a>. </p>
<p>In many instances, non-national Africans <a href="https://www.sahistory.org.za/sites/default/files/files%20uploads%20/10.1.1.548.1968.pdf">are the primary target of this suspicion</a>. They are, therefore, more likely to be on the receiving end of xenophobic violence. </p>
<p>An appropriate term for this is afrophobia. This is the dehumanising of people of African descent, and in the diaspora, because of their physiques, colour of their skins and behaviours. </p>
<p>The post-apartheid project of nation-building is the by-product of the contradiction of insularity agitating for “South Africanness”, and the African Renaissance as an all-embracing crystallisation of the consciousness of the whole of Africa’s people.</p>
<p>A system of organising society in which individual rights and freedoms are protected, and the markets are left to their own devices, spawned insular nationhood. This trumps the pursuit of a common African identity. It is because of this that, as the <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-research-reveals-about-drivers-of-anti-immigrant-hate-crime-in-south-africa-123097">socio-economic grievances of the nationals</a> increase, largely because of the <a href="https://www.businessinsider.co.za/economic-growth-first-quarter-of-2019-2019-6">economy’s poor performance</a>, nationalism morphs into jingoism. The non-nationals become scapegoats. </p>
<p>Often, the consequences of this, as laid bare in the streets of Gauteng province, are pernicious. </p>
<p>Unfortunately, because of this, South Africa’s moral authority, which it earned after it became a democracy by playing a prominent role in Africa, is at stake. Hence its government is at pains to accept that <a href="https://mg.co.za/article/2019-09-10-government-details-anti-crime-plan">xenophobia exists</a>, and that it has been on the rise in the post-apartheid South Africa. </p>
<p>Of course, in some instances this phenomenon is opportunistically used to obscure the criminal activities of some non-national Africans in the country. But the suggestion by some in government that attacks on foreign nationals are sheer criminality rather than xenophobia is not cutting ice. </p>
<p>Some South Africans <a href="https://ewn.co.za/2019/09/10/10-of-12-xenophobia-victims-were-south-african-mapisa-nqakula">also became the victims</a> in <a href="https://theconversation.com/xenophobia-time-for-cool-heads-to-prevail-in-nigeria-and-south-africa-123053">retaliatory attacks</a>.</p>
<p>Coupled with calls that South Africa should be shunned, all these beget a cycle of internecine hostilities. These fracture economic, political and social relations. </p>
<p>Unfortunately, dissociation is not a solution. It’s a cop-out. If South Africa were to become a pariah state – again – whose interest would be served, and to what end? Wouldn’t it be those who, in the <a href="https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/berlin-conference">Berlin Conference of 1884-1885</a>, negotiated the rules about the scramble for Africa? </p>
<p>Their borders that balkanised Africa continue to stoke interstate acrimony. The xenophobic flare-ups in South Africa should be understood as the cumulative effect of this <a href="http://ukznpress.bookslive.co.za/blog/2012/01/17/read-an-excerpt-from-adekeye-adebajos-the-curse-of-berlin/">historical burden</a>.</p>
<h2>What needs to happen</h2>
<p>Ramaphosa sent special envoys to the countries whose citizens were mostly affected by xenophobic violence – Nigeria, Niger, Ghana, Senegal, Tanzania, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Zambia – <a href="https://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/ramaphosa-deploys-special-envoys-to-african-heads-of-state-over-tensions-in-south-africa-20190915">to mend relations</a>. This is a good diplomatic gesture.</p>
<p>However, this shouldn’t simply be a charm offensive, but instead a deliberate pursuit to give meaning to the term “Africa” in “South Africa”, which has waned after Mbeki’s presidency. South Africa should reclaim its leading role in Africa’s renaissance.</p>
<p>Re-imagining the future of Africa requires true commitment to pan-Africanism, anchored in the African philosophy of <em>ubuntu</em> (humanism), which <a href="https://www.ttbook.org/interview/i-am-because-we-are-african-philosophy-ubuntu">decrees</a> that</p>
<blockquote>
<p>I am because we are. </p>
</blockquote>
<p>The pan-Africanism spirit shouldn’t be fostered only in the African leadership and diplomatic circles, and used for political expediency. It should be part of the psyche of society and become a lived daily experience.</p>
<p>Xenophobia is a function of attitude. It thus requires the intervention of social institutions, such as universities, to mainstream pan-Africanism as a philosophy in their curricula and teaching. </p>
<p>It is important to shape the characters of students, who are future leaders, to understand that human co-existence is not a function of nationality, but of humanity. This should be part of the decoloniality agenda in Africa.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/123613/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Mashupye Herbert Maserumule received funding from the National Research Foundation(NRF) for his postgraduate studies. He is the chief editor of the Journal of Public Administration and the former President of the South African Association of Public Administration and Management(SAAPAM). The Journal he edits belongs to this learned society. </span></em></p>Xenophobia negates the spirit of pan-Africanism, especially its ideal that Africans share a mutual bond, regardless of their geographical location.Mashupye Herbert Maserumule, Professor of Public Affairs, Tshwane University of TechnologyLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1231452019-09-10T10:24:42Z2019-09-10T10:24:42ZSouth Africa: a new narrative could tackle anti-migrant crisis<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/291508/original/file-20190909-109943-1ru3qzb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption"> Firefighters outside a burning building after violence and looting against foreign nationals in Pretoria, South Africa in 2019.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">EPA-EFE/Yeshiel Panchia</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>African migrants have once again been <a href="https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2019-09-02-city-in-lockdown-as-looters-target-migrant-rich-areas-across-johannesburg-and-east-rand/">targeted</a> for looting, violence and displacement in South Africa. Not only are the events reminiscent of 2008, 2015 and 2017: the narratives explaining them and the measures suggested to deal with them are more or less the same.</p>
<p>In 2008, when public attention to attacks on African migrants became global for the first time, then president Thabo Mbeki declared that South Africans were <a href="https://www.iol.co.za/news/opinion/mbekis-xenophobia-denialism-flies-in-face-of-evidence-8874406">not xenophobic</a>. In 2015 his successor Jacob Zuma <a href="https://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/Zuma-denies-xenophobia-in-AU-discussion-20150614">echoed similar sentiments</a>. The explanation was that criminal elements were hiding behind xenophobia to disguise their actions. </p>
<p>Criminality, rather than xenophobia, was therefore their preferred description. Meanwhile civil society, opposition parties and other African governments insisted that the attacks on foreign nationals were xenophobic and needed to be called such. </p>
<p>We see in these debates a mad rush to impose a limit on what should be said, and what should not. This is done as a strategy to set the agenda. In this race to contain the phenomenon is a desire for <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/02564718.2016.1235377">singularity</a> which has beset our societies. Criminality, xenophobia and Afrophobia appear in these narratives as <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/02500167.2016.1167751">incompatible</a>. The suggestion is that the problem has a single name and hence should subscribe to a single remedial framework. </p>
<h2>Same problem, same response</h2>
<p>Faced with the same problem, South Africa is turning to the familiar toolkit to explain and deal with a recurrent problem. A wave of looting and destruction of property by South African citizens is currently taking place in Johannesburg. Although it’s targeting foreign nationals, it is also claiming South African <a href="https://www.thesouthafrican.com/news/xenophobic-attacks-death-toll-south-africans-killed-who/">victims</a>. </p>
<p>As of 9 September 2019, 12 people were confirmed dead and 639 had been arrested. The minister of police, the Gauteng province’s premier, the governing African National Congress (ANC) and former president Thabo Mbeki have condemned what they call criminality. Opposition parties, the Economic Freedom Fighters and the Democratic Alliance, are among the voices blaming xenophobia for the events. The debates are even more robust on social media sites where accusations and counter-accusations of criminality, xenophobia and Afrophobia are <a href="https://twitter.com/search?q=%23saynotoxenophobicattacks">traded</a>.</p>
<p>These discourses are replicas of previous explanations of similar events in 2008, 2015, 2017 and, more recently, April 2019. Should this not be the time to try something else? Evaluating how we have defined the problem and redefining it anew, for instance, may be the start of a more fruitful search for answers. </p>
<p>Certainly, the answers are not to be found here and now. But pointing out the reasons why prevailing explanations fail is necessary. Solutions to a problem emanate from the way we describe the problem. </p>
<h2>Is it criminality?</h2>
<p>Those who blame the problem on criminality tend to <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/02500167.2016.1167751">underline the criminal actions</a> while downplaying the profile of victims. By making the victims invisible, authors of the criminality narrative create the impression that these acts could happen to anyone. To bolster this view, they point to South African citizens who have been caught up during the attacks.</p>
<p>For those who promote the criminality narrative, the problem is local. The criminal justice system is the answer to such a problem. By underlining criminal acts at the expense of the identities of intended targets of crime, African migrants’ experiences of marginality in South Africa are silenced.</p>
<p>Senior state officials go a step further by harbouring traces of xenophobia in their speeches. The victims of crime, whose profile the state is at pains to make insignificant, are <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/02500167.2016.1167751">projected as criminals</a>. Ministers, the police and traditional leaders are among those who speak of “criminal elements” targeting their victims on account of the latter’s criminal activities. This usually ends with an appeal to the said “criminal elements” not to take the law into their own hands, and the arrests of some perpetrators.</p>
<p>In the end, the criminality narrative pits one set of criminals against another. The burden of violence is placed on victims who should report crime and trust South Africa’s overwhelmed criminal justice system to come to the rescue, and on a few perpetrators who find themselves arrested and charged. </p>
<p>Because of South Africa’s high crime rate, these cases disappear in the pool of other crimes.</p>
<h2>Is it xenophobia or Afrophobia?</h2>
<p>Those who prefer to place the problem at the door of xenophobia, <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01436597.2011.560470">Afrophobia</a> and self-hate place the profile of victims above the violent performances. The looting, maiming, killing and destruction of property are emptied of their criminal content. They are filled with the spectre of phobia. In this narrative lie accusations that <a href="https://hts.org.za/index.php/hts/article/view/4668">South Africans have lost ubuntu</a>, a notion deployed to erroneously construct Africans as irredeemably linked together.</p>
<p>Furthermore, South Africans are accused of regarding themselves as <a href="https://read.dukeupress.edu/south-atlantic-quarterly/article-abstract/103/4/607/3215/The-South-African-Ideology-The-Myth-of">exceptionally not of Africa</a>. Apartheid history is evoked to account for this <a href="https://repository.up.ac.za/handle/2263/56982">pride, ignorance and attendant hatred for other Africans</a>. Last, but not least, South Africans are reminded that Africa <a href="https://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-c13b7cdaa">supported</a> the struggle against apartheid at both cost and risk.</p>
<p>Going by this narrative, the problem is international and therefore cannot be left to South Africa’s criminal justice system. This explains why attacks targeting foreign nationals often invite reprisals from other African countries. By privileging the identities of intended targets of attacks at the expense of acts enacted upon them, adherents of this narrative downplay the history and politics surrounding South African citizens’ experiences of marginality. </p>
<p>This narrative does not account for the fact that attacks on African migrants, by ordinary South African citizens, do not happen every day. Surely if the expression of fear or hatred of something manifests through violent attacks, then the episodes of calm should prod us to look elsewhere for answers.</p>
<h2>Looking elsewhere</h2>
<p>The invitation to reevaluate our understanding of the problem does not render existing narratives irrelevant. What we must resist is the trap of singularity.<br>
What we call “criminality” or “xenophobia” claim victims from the same pool of vulnerable people and play out in the same neglected physical spaces. Government, police, immigration officials and ordinary South Africans contribute to the <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/1468-2435.00145">normalisation of criminal and xenophobic attitudes</a> among South African citizens and migrants. </p>
<p>In these spaces, “criminality” and “xenophobia” can and often do flip into “racism”, “tribalism”, “sexism”, and so on. They are responses to larger structural problems which engender and exploit socio-cultural differences for political and economic gain. Our interest is barely aroused by these everyday events because they are not constant and they have merged with our institutional, political and economic lives. </p>
<p>What is infrequent, and horrifies us, are the repeated appearances of “criminality” and “xenophobia” conjoined as one event. Then we revert to the usual debates and the attendant marches, speeches and petitions against violence. </p>
<p>The narrative needs to change from criminality or xenophobia or Afrophobia to the everyday, structural, conditions which make socio-cultural differences amenable to easy exploitation by those who wield power. It is possible that we do not have the proper name for our problems: this may be mitigating against solving them. </p>
<p>We need new conversations grounded in the everyday experiences of those who always find themselves perpetrators and/or victims of “xenophobic crimes”, away from the violent eruptions. This will allow our material responses to be informed by a more accurate awareness of what is going on.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/123145/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Cuthbeth Tagwirei does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Faced with the same problem, South Africa is turning to the familiar toolkit to explain a recurrent problem.Cuthbeth Tagwirei, Post-Doctoral Fellow, Wits Centre for Diversity Studies, University of the WitwatersrandLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1230532019-09-10T08:40:39Z2019-09-10T08:40:39ZXenophobia: time for cool heads to prevail in Nigeria and South Africa<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/291544/original/file-20190909-109943-1h6fkvp.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=9%2C152%2C1628%2C1044&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">South African President Cyril Ramaphosa, left, with his Nigerian counterpart Muhammadu Buhari in late August in Japan.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/governmentza/48663894001/in/photolist-2h9eocY-2h9gXVu-2h9eobW-2h9gbpo-2h9gXSZ-2h9eo89-2h9gbmT-2h9eo7s-2h9gXNk-2h9eo4w-2h9gbgc-2h9enLn-2hc93x8">GCIS/Flickr</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/">CC BY-SA</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>The latest <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/09/live-peace-migrants-fearful-sa-attacks-190904051255164.html">xenophobic attacks</a> in South Africa have ignited the long-standing tensions between the country and Nigeria. These are captured in the retaliatory attacks on <a href="https://www.biznews.com/global-investing/2019/09/05/xenophobia-mtn-shoprite-nigeria-ramaphosa-tweets">South African businesses in Nigeria</a> and the diplomatic outrage by Nigerian authorities.</p>
<p>Nigeria also boycotted the recent World Economic Forum (WEF) meeting <a href="https://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/headlines/350546-breaking-nigeria-recalls-ambassador-to-south-africa.html">in Cape Town</a>. More critical was the temporary closure of South African missions in <a href="https://www.thesouthafrican.com/videos/xenophobia-nigeria-shoprite-attacks-video/;https://www.voanews.com/africa/nigerians-attack-south-african-businesses-retaliation">Abuja and Lagos</a> and Nigeria’s decision to <a href="https://punchng.com/breaking-xenophobia-nigeria-recalls-ambassador-to-south-africa-shuns-wes/">recall its ambassador</a>. </p>
<p>But in the larger scheme of things, xenophobia is a distraction from the leadership role that Nigeria and South Africa should play on the continent on fundamental issues of immigration and economic integration.</p>
<h2>A constant irritant</h2>
<p>Accurate figures are hard to get. But Statistics South Africa put the number of Nigerian migrants at <a href="https://allafrica.com/stories/201908150322.html">about 30,000</a> in 2016, far below Zimbabweans and Mozambicans.</p>
<p>Xenophobia has remained a constant irritant in Nigeria-South Africa relations since the major attacks on African migrants in poor neighbourhoods in Cape Town, Durban and Johannesburg <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2008/05/20/world/africa/20safrica.html">in 2008</a> and <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2016/04/report-blames-media-xenophobic-panic-africa-160406102827284.html">2015</a>. But, contrary to popular perception, xenophobic attacks do not disproportionately target Nigerians. Nigerians often exaggerate the effect of violence on their citizens. That is probably because Nigeria has a better organised, savvy, and loud <a href="https://punchng.com/killing-of-nigerians-in-south-africa-will-no-longer-be-tolerated-fg-warns-sa/">diaspora constituency</a> in South Africa.</p>
<p>Unfortunately, the loudness of the Nigerian diaspora transforms victimhood into foreign policy, generating the reactions that have been witnessed recently. It also plays into the naïve narrative of the <a href="https://www.enca.com/africa/south-africa-should-be-eternally-grateful-to-nigeria-for-defeating-apartheid">“liberation dividend”</a>. This entails Nigerians seeking to be treated uniquely because of their contribution to the struggle for majority rule in South Africa. There were no such expectations from the other countries that supported South Africa’s liberation struggle.</p>
<p>This narrative has taken on an equally economic tinge. South African companies are heavily invested in Nigeria. So, they often become targets of <a href="https://www.france24.com/en/20190905-nigeria-south-africa-businesses-attacks-xenophobic-violence">Nigerian ire</a> in times of xenophobia. </p>
<p>The accurate picture is that <a href="https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2019/09/south-africa-years-of-impunity-for-xenophobic-crimes-driving-the-latest-attacks/">xenophobia affects all African migrants</a>. These are mostly migrants from Malawi, Zimbabwe, Mozambique and, increasingly Ethiopians, Kenyans and Somalis. Nigerians are affected. But they’re not on top of the list.</p>
<p>The Nigerian responses are understandable in light of the <a href="https://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/enough-is-enough-says-nigerian-govt-over-violent-attacks-in-south-africa-20190903">frequency of these attacks</a>. But, it is important to <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-research-reveals-about-drivers-of-anti-immigrant-hate-crime-in-south-africa-123097">probe the drivers of xenophobia</a> to understand it more deeply.</p>
<h2>What drives xenophobia?</h2>
<p>First, some <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/12288405">studies reveal</a> that the intrusion of foreign migrants into vulnerable communities beset by joblessness and despair inevitability produces <a href="https://www.polity.org.za/article/unemployment-and-immigration-in-south-africa-2013-05-24">a tinderbox</a> that <a href="https://researchspace.ukzn.ac.za/handle/10413/3186">sparks violence </a>. </p>
<p>Migrants are easy targets. That’s because they are seen as being better off by the locals. They therefore become targets of people who feel their circumstances have not been addressed by government. It is no surprise that xenophobic attacks have typically occurred in poor <a href="https://theconversation.com/protests-soar-amid-unmet-expectations-in-south-africa-42013">neighbourhoods that have been affected</a> by service delivery protests since the mid-2000s.</p>
<p>Second, xenophobia thrives on ineffective policing in South Africa. Barely two days after the Johannesburg attacks started, the national police spokesman admitted that the police were running out of resources to manage the violence. This prompted the Premier of Gauteng, the country’s economic hub, to threaten to also <a href="https://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/riots-in-gauteng-draining-police-resources-20190903">deploy the army</a> if the violence continued.</p>
<p>Examples of the police’s inability to maintain order and respond to threats to property and livelihoods are <a href="https://city-press.news24.com/News/xenophobia-police-have-no-plan-as-crime-intelligence-is-caught-napping-20190909">legion</a>. This, in part, forces people to <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-south-africa-can-turn-the-rising-tide-against-vigilantism-72986">take the law into their own hands</a>. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/how-south-africa-can-turn-the-rising-tide-against-vigilantism-72986">How South Africa can turn the rising tide against vigilantism</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<p>But the police are sometimes complicit in stoking anti-foreign sentiments. The July 2019 raids on foreign-owned businesses in Johannesburg in apparent efforts to <a href="https://ewn.co.za/2019/08/08/gauteng-top-cop-vows-to-remove-counterfeit-good-from-joburg-cbd">stamp out illicit goods</a> added to the current climate of xenophobia. When some business owners retaliated against the police, some local leaders appropriated the language of “threats on South Africa’s sovereignty” to <a href="https://www.iol.co.za/news/south-africa/gauteng/police-union-condemns-mob-attack-on-police-in-johannesburg-30264628">justify the police response</a>. </p>
<p>Reforms are urgently needed to create a competent, less corrupt, better-resourced, and civic-minded police service. </p>
<p>Xenophobia is also an outcome of a rickety migration and border control regime. Efficient border controls are one of the hallmarks of sovereignty and the first line of defence against xenophobia. Broken borders breed criminality. These include <a href="http://www.702.co.za/articles/308313/human-trafficking-rife-in-south-africa-with-more-women-lured-into-dens">human</a> and <a href="https://www.news.uct.ac.za/article/-2017-05-16-migration-of-the-nigerian-mafia">drug</a> trafficking. Human and drug trafficking feature prominently in the discourse on xenophobia in South Africa.</p>
<p>How, then, does xenophobia distract South Africa and Nigeria from what should be their leadership on core African issues?</p>
<h2>Overreaction</h2>
<p>The weighty issues of creating a humane and just society for South Africans and migrants alike will ultimately be led by the South African government. Outsiders can make some diplomatic noises and occasionally boycott South Africa. But these actions are unlikely to drive vital change. </p>
<p>In fact, the <a href="https://ewn.co.za/2019/09/03/zambia-cancels-bafana-friendly-due-to-attacks-on-foreign-nationals">overreactions</a> by Nigeria and other African countries simply undercut the South African constituencies that have a crucial stake in wide-ranging reforms that address the multiplicity of problems around xenophobia.</p>
<p>In the previous instances of xenophobic violence, Nigeria urged the African Union (AU) to force South Africa to <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/02/nigerians-africa-living-fear-attacks-170221155456218.html">take action</a>. But such unhelpful statements only inflame passions and prevent civil diplomatic discourse.</p>
<p>Instead, the best policy would be for Nigeria to engage South Africa through their existing <a href="http://www.dirco.gov.za/abuja/bilateral.html">binational commission</a>. Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari is scheduled to visit South Africa next month.</p>
<h2>Taking the lead</h2>
<p>Rather than the perennial relapse into shouting matches and hardening of rhetoric, it is essential for Pretoria and Abuja to take decisive leadership at the continental level. The two nations must articulate immigration policies. </p>
<p>The newly-inaugurated AU <a href="https://www.ilo.org/africa/areas-of-work/labour-migration/policy-frameworks/WCMS_671953/lang--en/index.htm">Free Movement of Persons Protocol</a> will not be implemented if South Africa and Nigeria do not join hands to <a href="https://www.iol.co.za/business-report/belt-and-road/tito-mboweni-has-called-for-the-free-movement-of-africans-within-the-continent-31930766">make it a reality</a>. More ominously, migration to South Africa as the premier African economy will only get worse in the coming years. This, as Europe and the United States tighten their borders <a href="https://www.cnbcafrica.com/news/financial/2019/05/23/op-ed-the-future-of-africas-diaspora-is-in-africa/">against African migrants</a>.</p>
<p>Also, without the leadership of its two major economies, Africa is not going to make any traction on the new treaty establishing the African Continental <a href="https://theconversation.com/more-work-lies-ahead-to-make-africas-new-free-trade-area-succeed-118135">Free Trade Agreement</a>. Ironically, the WEF meeting in Cape Town addressed ways to boost intra-African trade. Nigeria should not have boycotted it because of xenophobia.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/123053/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Gilbert M. Khadiagala does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>South Africa and Nigeria need to lead policy debates on long term measures to address migration in Africa.Gilbert M. Khadiagala, Jan Smuts Professor of International Relations and Director of the African Centre for the Study of the United States (ACSUS), University of the WitwatersrandLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/924492018-03-06T13:15:44Z2018-03-06T13:15:44ZWhat ‘blackface’ tells us about China’s patronising attitude towards Africa<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/208457/original/file-20180301-152569-1ppwk0z.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">A skit on China's English language TV station CCTV's Spring Festival Gala featuring 'blackface' actors has gone viral.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Supplied</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>You could compile a <a href="http://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/article/1535574/racist-maid-advert-draws-anger-hong-kong">long list</a> of <a href="https://theconversation.com/explainer-why-blackface-and-brownface-offend-65881">‘blackfaces’</a> in East Asian media over the <a href="https://www.thebeijinger.com/blog/2018/02/17/cctv-toothpaste-short-history-blackface-china">last decade</a>. But the latest version this Euro-American racist archetype in Chinese media is by far the most <a href="https://theconversation.com/chinas-media-struggles-to-overcome-stereotypes-of-africa-92362?utm_source=twitter&utm_medium=twitterbutton">controversial</a> – a skit on China’s English language TV station CCTV’s Spring Festival Gala featuring ‘blackface’ actors. Like the others on the <a href="https://qz.com/1101699/africans-in-china-are-infuriated-over-a-museum-exhibit-comparing-africans-to-animals/">growing list</a> of racist incidents, this one has also <a href="https://theconversation.com/of-washing-powder-afrophobia-and-racism-in-china-60274">gone viral</a>. </p>
<p>Beyond the ‘blackface’, the skit’s story is rather simple but still problematic. Carrie, an 18-year-old Kenyan stewardess trainee, asks her Chinese teacher to pass as her boyfriend to avoid a blind date organised by her mother. Carrie doesn’t want to get married yet. She wants to work and then go to China to study.</p>
<p>In the skit’s resolution, Carrie confesses to her mother and explains her desire to go to China. It becomes clear that she sees China as a way to escape tradition (and her mother’s traditional views on marriage). </p>
<p>Carrie’s mother then starts praising China’s role in Africa and agrees to Carrie’s plans, shouting </p>
<blockquote>
<p>I love the Chinese! I love China!</p>
</blockquote>
<p>The skit was intended to highlight the positive aspects of China-Africa relations. Instead, it presented a narrative in which China is seen as a solution to Africa’s backwardness. </p>
<h2>China, the saviour</h2>
<p>This episode echoes the broadcast of a similar story featured on <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uxr99UDYAug">‘If You Are the One’</a> – a highly popular Chinese TV dating show a few years ago. </p>
<p>In my <a href="https://africansinchina.net/2013/08/09/%E9%9D%9E%E8%AF%9A%E5%8B%BF%E6%89%B0-africans-in-china-in-chinese-media-you-are-the-one/">analysis</a> of the show at the time I explained how <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uxr99UDYAug">Xiao De</a> (a participant from Guinea Bissau) was portrayed as a free-spirited girl, trapped by tradition. Xiao De saw going to China as a way to escape her fate (an arranged marriage), study, and become independent. </p>
<p>In the dating show, Xiao De is looking to marry a Chinese man. As with Carrie, moving to China and marrying a Chinese is her way of escaping tradition and entering modernity — a Chinese version of it. </p>
<figure class="align-right ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/208046/original/file-20180227-36700-1bmugmd.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/208046/original/file-20180227-36700-1bmugmd.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=712&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/208046/original/file-20180227-36700-1bmugmd.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=712&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/208046/original/file-20180227-36700-1bmugmd.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=712&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/208046/original/file-20180227-36700-1bmugmd.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=895&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/208046/original/file-20180227-36700-1bmugmd.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=895&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/208046/original/file-20180227-36700-1bmugmd.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=895&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Xiao De in her last appearance in ‘If You Are the One’</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>These skits reproduce a narrative that is representative of China’s general approach to Africa. Both official and popular Chinese narratives about Africa consistently try to construct an image of the continent as China’s <a href="https://www.google.co.za/search?id%3D%22208045%22+align%3D%22centre%22+caption%3D%22Paolo+Uccello%27s+depiction+of+Saint+George+and+the+dragon,+c.+1470,+a+classic+image+of+a+damsel+in+distress.%22+/%3E&rlz=1C1NHXL_enZA711ZA711&tbm=isch&source=iu&ictx=1&fir=ibanAKDQ6f1mmM%253A%252C_tmjTF3Otcm0kM%252C_&usg=__DUltEDS4-tLDsOpeS7-Bpx49-6o%3D&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwj-zo_R2srZAhVEDcAKHbipC1IQ9QEILDAC#imgrc=ibanAKDQ6f1mmM:">‘damsel in distress’</a>. </p>
<p>Africa is depicted as a young and beautiful woman who needs to be saved by a male hero. In the end, the woman usually marries her rescuer. The narrative is also always gendered – China is portrayed as the (modern) male hero and Africa the princess in jeopardy. </p>
<p>Multiple versions of this have been repeated over the decades. In short, behind the Gala’s ‘blackface’ lies a consistent top-down, ego-boosting effort to see and represent China as a way for Africa to enter modernity. </p>
<h2>Africa as the past, China as the future</h2>
<p>The Spring Festival Gala is a programme full of skits. While the skits are normally comedic, they generally intend to inform and educate the audience about a particular topic, from military affairs and everyday life. More <a href="https://thediplomat.com/2018/02/racism-and-the-belt-and-road-in-cctvs-spring-festival-gala/">controversially</a>, they also sometimes focus on other cultures. </p>
<p>The ‘blackface’ skit was the first in the Gala’s history to portray China-Africa relations. If it’s intention was to educate its viewers about the complexities and realities of contemporary sub-Saharan life, it failed miserably. For example, the skit’s story is supposedly set in Nairobi, Kenya’s capital, but all you can see in the background is a savannah. There are in fact no savannah’s in site in modern-day Nairobi.</p>
<p>Representing ‘Africa as the past’ means associating ideas about Africa strictly with nature and tradition. </p>
<p>But stereotypical views about Africa aren’t only evident in China’s media — they pervade everyday life in China, a fact that African students who have lived in China can attest to.</p>
<p>The CCTV skit was merely catering to age-old stereotypes held by many ordinary Chinese people. </p>
<p>Naivety and ignorance are often cited as justifications for this stereotyping. As one argument has it, ordinary Chinese only reproduce what is offered to them by Hollywood.</p>
<p>This is to some extent true. But, there is evidence from <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RmRNfonkdug">museum exhibitions</a> to <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=92&v=uV1IRVWnQGA">film festivals</a> that point in another direction. Even people in positions of power in China seem to hold these views. Blaming Hollywood seems a poor defence.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/92449/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Roberto Castillo does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>China’s offensive ‘blackface’ skit intended to highlight the positive aspects of China-Africa relations, has done the opposite.Roberto Castillo, Assistant Professor in Cultural Studies, Lingnan UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/618202016-08-21T17:53:34Z2016-08-21T17:53:34ZHow India can stem the rising scourge of racism against Africans<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/131601/original/image-20160722-26808-odkze4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">People at a temple in Ahmedabad, India. The country's government struggles to come to terms with racism against African immigrants.
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Reuters/Amit Dave</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>India has seen a rise in incidents of racism by its citizens against foreign nationals, especially Africans, in <a href="http://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-news-india/tanzanian-woman-assault-case-now-yeshwanthpur-acp-suspended/">recent times</a>. As a country with the largest diaspora communities, India needs to be particularly worried by this development. </p>
<p>The country is home to a significant migrant population, most of it from the neighbouring countries in South Asia. In 2010, there were 5.4 million <a href="http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Despite-drop-India-No-9-in-number-of-immigrants/articleshow/12105590.cms">foreign-born people</a> in the country. The number of Africans in India is estimated to be <a href="http://www.thehindu.com/news/cities/Delhi/africans-allege-racism-locals-blame-loud-habits/article8695259.ece">about 40 000</a>, of whom 25 000 are students.</p>
<p>Yet, these small numbers are significant for the growing relations between India and Africa. The Indian government has been announcing scholarships, grants and credit lines for Africa against the backdrop of the India-Africa Forum <a href="http://mea.gov.in/india-africa-forum-summit-2015/index.html#">summits</a>. In spite of these efforts to woo Africa, the government is in denial about racist attacks against Africans in India.</p>
<p>In the wake of the recent attacks on Africans in India, the <a href="http://www.mea.gov.in/press-releases.htm?dtl/26856/Statement_by_External_Affairs_Minister_on_recent_incidents_relating_to_Africans">official denial</a> that such acts are racist hampers efforts to tackle the problem. This, plus the fact that the perpetrators are hardly ever brought to book is a major cause for their recurrence.</p>
<h2>India and Africa matter to each other</h2>
<p>The government positioning stands in contrast to the historic relations between India and Africa founded on the tenets of anti-racism and <a href="https://www.odi.org/comment/10048-india-china-trade-investment-africa">anti-colonialism</a>. Moreover, the government’s stand risks jeopardising India’s growing relations with Africa in the fields of trade, technology and human resource development. India’s trade with Africa has grown from $1 billion in 1990-1991 to <a href="http://www.idsa.in/idsacomments/3rd-india-africa-forum-summit_rberi_291015">$71 billion</a> in 2014-2015.</p>
<p>Despite this, <a href="http://indianexpress.com/article/explained/narendra-modi-somalia-comment-india-kerala-oommen-chandy-pomonemodi-2795973/">stereotyping of Africa</a> is common. African countries are often insidiously used as a metaphor for under-development. And Africans in India are associated with labels such as “debased” as well as “drug-peddling and prostitution”. These <a href="http://content.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1997936,00.html">stereotypes</a> are constructs of economic hierarchy coloured in racist hues.</p>
<h2>Crime and prejudice in India</h2>
<p>Racial violence has its parallels in other forms of violence in India. The prejudice runs across multiple channels from caste, region, religion to gender. Sporadic violence against “vulnerable” groups – including black people, white women, Indian women, minorities and the lower castes – is commonplace. The foreigner thus gets caught up in the social hierarchies of the country.</p>
<p>This was apparent in the mob attack against <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2014/10/01/world/asia/beating-of-african-students-by-mob-in-india-prompts-soul-searching-on-race.html">African students</a> in the Delhi metro in 2014 by a crowd chanting nationalist slogans. The ostensible reason for the attack was that the African males had misbehaved towards an Indian woman, even though the police have no register of such a complaint.</p>
<p>The recent attack on a young Tanzanian woman student in Bangalore allegedly happened under the watch of a police constable who did <a href="http://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-news-india/tanzanian-woman-assault-case-now-yeshwanthpur-acp-suspended/">nothing to stop it</a>. She was stripped by a mob that sought justice for a road accident in which a Sudanese national’s car ran over a local woman.</p>
<h2>Government response</h2>
<p>The Indian government is largely in denial when it comes to racism. Refusing to acknowledge the racism and projecting the incidents as simply cases of urban violence means they are unlikely to prick at the conscience of Indian society, as they should.</p>
<p>The government was recently spurred into action but only after African diplomats reacted to the murder of MK Oliver, a Congolese student in <a href="http://thebricspost.com/after-african-heads-of-mission-warning-indian-fm-vows-action-against-racist-attacks/#.V6MG5Lh97IV">May 2016</a>. The Indian Minister of State (External Affairs) personally met members of the African communities and <a href="http://www.mea.gov.in/press-releases.htm?dtl/26856/Statement_by_External_Affairs_Minister_on_recent_incidents_relating_to_Africans">strong police action</a> against the culprits was assured.</p>
<p>And the Ministry of External Affairs and the Ministry of Home Affairs have launched a series of racism sensitisation <a href="http://www.business-standard.com/article/news-ians/five-held-for-assaulting-africans-rajnath-asks-police-to-be-active-116052900486_1.html">programmes</a> in neighbourhoods where most African citizens reside.</p>
<p>This is a step forward, but more needs to be done. Racism and racist violence are not limited to Indians who live in close proximity to African citizens.</p>
<h2>What needs to be done</h2>
<p>India’s Ministry of External Affairs and the Ministry of Home Affairs need to make a concerted effort to sensitise the police and the public about how racism contradicts India’s past and present ideals.</p>
<p>One way to do that is to inform Indians about how Indians and people of Indian origin are able to live peacefully and prosper in Africa and other parts of the world.</p>
<p>In addition, the Ministry of External Affairs should have a department dedicated to addressing breaches of human rights against foreigners in the country. And appropriate and corrective laws should be passed and enforced to combat acts of racism.</p>
<p>NGOS also have a role to play. Those working in human rights need to speak out against discrimination and racist violence and provide legal support to the victims. They could also lead community awareness programmes against racism, drawing on experiences from other countries.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/131600/original/image-20160722-26848-kofhsb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/131600/original/image-20160722-26848-kofhsb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/131600/original/image-20160722-26848-kofhsb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/131600/original/image-20160722-26848-kofhsb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=399&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/131600/original/image-20160722-26848-kofhsb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/131600/original/image-20160722-26848-kofhsb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/131600/original/image-20160722-26848-kofhsb.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=501&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">University students march to the US embassy in Delhi. They liken the struggles of African Americans to those of marginalised groups in India.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">AAP/K Fayaz Ahmad).</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>As most Africans in India are <a href="http://www.hindustantimes.com/india/for-african-students-in-india-racial-taunts-await-at-every-turn/story-bCmVP0aQzQdBpAQXjRmFWI.html">students</a>, the Ministry of Human Resources needs to drive campaigns against racism on campuses. Educational institutions in India should be told about the importance of scholarship programmes for Africans. Efforts should also be made to educate Indian students about Africa.</p>
<p>African students should be given appropriate lodging and boarding facilities in and around the campus or in the vicinity of other students’ residences instead of being confined to a few “African” neighbourhoods. Such geographical demarcations increase the risk of alienation and stigmatisation.</p>
<h2>States must step in</h2>
<p>There is a role for governments too. Unlike colonial relations of exploitation, the tenets of South-South Co-operation emphasise <a href="http://southsouthconference.org/wp-content/uploads/2010/01/GA-resolution-endorsed-Nairobi-Outcome-21-Dec-09.pdf">mutual respect</a>.</p>
<p>Indian ministries and the media should not restrict themselves to running headlines on the millions of dollars India <a href="http://mea.gov.in/india-africa-forum-summit-2015/index.html">allocates to Africa</a>.</p>
<p>The fact that Africa contributes to growing the Indian economy should also be given attention. For example, lines of credit benefit India by creating markets for private and public Indian companies. This is because they come with the condition that 75% of goods and services are <a href="http://www.eximbankindia.in/sites/default/files/loc-english.pdf">sourced from India</a>.</p>
<p>The private sector, given its considerable interests in Africa, also needs to take a lead in showing the continent’s worth to India. Such efforts are important in dismantling fallacious notions of hierarchy and superiority, which the booming Indian economy seems to bring.</p>
<p>And African countries must push for equality as the building block of co-operation. Anti-racism should be reiterated at the commencement of the India-Africa summits and should be set to stone in the form of appropriate treaties.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/61820/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Pooja Jain-Grégoire is part of a research project CRAA-ETRE headed by Rémy Bazenguissa Ganga. Rémy is the Director of the Institut des mondes africains in Paris to which Pooja is attached as a Visiting Researcher. She also teaches at Sciences Po Paris.</span></em></p>Racial violence has its parallels in other forms of violence in India. The prejudice runs across multiple channels from caste, region, religion to gender.Pooja Jain-Grégoire, Researcher and Course Lecturer International Development Co-operation, École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales (EHESS)Licensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.