Poor attendance at the launch of the ANC’s local elections manifesto shows the party no longer holds much weight with the electorate in the key Nelson Mandela Bay, which it has dominated since 1994.
Lobbying political actors to achieve particular outcomes is an acceptable practice in a democracy. But state capture, as is allegedly happening in South Africa, denotes holding the state to ransom.
Democracy resulted in a sea change in the governing ANC. In the past, only highly committed idealists joined the party. Today’s splits and factions are about patronage and clientelism.
South Africa’s governing ANC has to respond to public outcry about state capture or run the risk of electoral losses.
The general loss of faith in the economy is the most important issue President Zuma must address. More radical social and economic transformation, with emphasis on land reform will be most critical.
One of the remarkable achievements of South Africa’s Constitutional Court has been its role in improving the quality of the internal democratic processes within the governing ANC.
Jacob Zuma has backtracked on two major decisions in under two months – first after he fired his finance minister; now he says he’ll pay back public money spent on his lavish Nkandla homestead.
With the local government elections set to take place within the next seven months, it is worth considering what impact the recent upsurge in protests will have on the country’s political future.
Martin Luther King’s legacy must be contextualised within a larger global struggle against racism and hatred. Africans should revisit the values he espoused and continue with the anti-racism crusade.
The #FeesMustFall and #ZumaMustFall campaigns come from the same place. The rage has its roots in opposition to Zuma’s surrender of national sovereignty through globalising South African capitalism.
The ANC will be judged by its ability to deliver on its promises to provide basic services and good governance, practise sound financial management and combat corruption this election year.
For more than 100 years South Africa’s ruling ANC and its leaders have often been able to speak to and for the nation with resonance and moral authority, their words matching actions. Not any more.
The central thrust of Haffajee’s book is compelling. It argues that black South Africans, especially the new generation of young, black ‘born frees’ are obsessed with whiteness and white privilege.
South Africans are all poorer as a result of Jacob Zuma’s decision to replace his finance minister. But there maybe benefits too. The debacle suggests his grip on power has been weakened.
The annulment of the Tlokwe byelection results is a blow for the governing ANC. It has had a torrid 2015 and faces difficult local government elections early next year.
The sudden expulsion of the finance minister makes it hard not to be pessimistic about the South African government’s ability to manage the difficult challenges it might face in 2016.
Simulations indicate that the introduction of a national minimum wage in South Africa could boost household consumption and economic growth as well as reduce inequality and poverty.
Over the past two decades, it has not been easy for any country – let alone a newly freed one, like post-apartheid South Africa – to understand the rapidly changing world.
By challenging the courts, King Dalindyebo is testing the degree of impunity with which traditional leaders can get away.
Economic transformation of unequal societies in a democratising context is difficult. This requires a creative mix of policy options underpinned by a commitment to social justice.