tag:theconversation.com,2011:/us/topics/cameroon-elections-62012/articlesCameroon elections – The Conversation2019-07-23T07:03:37Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1206012019-07-23T07:03:37Z2019-07-23T07:03:37ZDemocracy in Africa: success stories that have defied the odds<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/284781/original/file-20190718-116590-cw2viv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Senegalese women cast their ballots in the presidential elections in February. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">EPA-EFE/Nic Bothma</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>When I first said that I was going to write a book about the <a href="https://www.amazon.co.uk/Democracy-Africa-Successes-Political-Approaches/dp/0521138426/ref=sr_1_5?keywords=democracy+africa&qid=1563291882&s=gateway&sr=8-5">history of democracy in Africa</a>, quite a few people responded with a joke. That will be one of the world’s shortest books, up there with the compendium of great English cooking, they would say. </p>
<p>But, it turned out that there was a lot to talk about: Africa’s past reveals more fragments of democracy than you would think. And, its present has a number of important things to teach the world about the conditions under which democracy can be built.</p>
<p>The <a href="https://afrobarometer.org/publications/pp35-election-quality-public-trust-are-central-issues-africas-upcoming-contests">poor quality of elections</a> in many sub-Saharan African countries, combined with a tendency for the media to focus on controversy, means that Africa is often depicted as a bastion of authoritarianism. But, it actually has some of the most remarkable and important stories of democratic struggle.</p>
<p>Countries such as Benin, Botswana, Ghana, Namibia, Mauritius, Senegal and South Africa have not only become beacons of political rights and civil liberties, they have done so <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/democracy-in-africa/introduction-democratization-against-the-odds/69FC0205A06760562CFF822FD1F16CB4">against the greatest of obstacles</a>. These experiences teach us important lessons about where democracy can work, and why.</p>
<h2>Pre-conditions for strong democracy</h2>
<p>Political scientists like to talk about the conditions necessary for countries to build a strong and stable democracy. These lists are fiercely fought over, but there are a number of factors that most researchers would agree are probably important.</p>
<p>A <a href="https://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=ZeaWzPZb54AC&oi=fnd&pg=PA261&dq=robert+dahl+national+identity&ots=f5p5GzOMZV&sig=3xmTowrnoS7kbmYAwWYoGIkr9IU">cohesive national identity</a> is likely to make it easier to maintain national unity, while <a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/16730/summary">wealth</a> and economic success have been found to promote political stability. A strong national infrastructure, underpinned by respect for the <a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/218813/summary">rule of law</a>, means that the government is likely to be effective without being abusive. And, a vibrant <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1002/jid.3057">middle class</a> and powerful civil society are usually seen as important to promote accountability and responsive government.</p>
<p>What is remarkable about the democratisation of African states is that most did not enjoy a single one of these “pre-conditions”.</p>
<p>With the exception of South Africa, all of Africa’s democracies entered multiparty politics with low GDP per capita and high levels of unemployment. This was compounded by <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/2698386">weak and underdeveloped states</a> that had been designed – both in the colonial era and during the authoritarian rule of the 1980s – to exploit resources rather than empower citizens. In states like Ghana, this was compounded by a history of military rule, which heightened the risk of further coups.</p>
<p>Almost all of these states also featured civil societies that were fragile and fragmented, despite the strength of religious organisations. At the same time, in the early 1990s, the middle class was small. More often than not, it was also economically dependent on the government. It was thus poorly placed to fight against corruption or democratic backsliding.</p>
<h2>Challenges</h2>
<p>These were not the only challenges that African states faced. With the exception of Botswana, they are all diverse multi-ethnic societies in which the question of national identity has been problematic. In <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/2149995?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents">Ghana</a> and <a href="https://www.ft.com/content/cd36800a-cb1b-11e8-8d0b-a6539b949662">Mauritius</a> for instance, ethnic identities have historically played a role in structuring political networks. This increased the tension around elections. </p>
<p>Worse still, under colonial rule and <a href="https://theconversation.com/world-politics-explainer-the-end-of-apartheid-101602">during apartheid</a>, white regimes sought to entrench <a href="https://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=3MqNER4J6zEC&oi=fnd&pg=PA1&dq=apartheid+south+africa+race&ots=ov1DHZtITC&sig=Q8AoHCIHjIXcnB7zEbTWf_j8rg0">racial divisions and hostilities</a> in Namibia and South Africa, creating a particularly difficult environment.</p>
<p>Against this backdrop, all of these states might have been expected to collapse into some form of authoritarian regime by now. Given this context, their success should be celebrated and studied for what it tells us about how democracy can be built even in the most challenging of contexts.</p>
<h2>Bucking the trend</h2>
<p>It is striking that, with the exception of <a href="https://www.africanews.com/2019/04/28/benin-vote-in-an-election-with-no-opposition/">Benin</a> and possibly <a href="https://www.news24.com/Africa/News/senegalese-govt-accused-of-misusing-courts-to-skew-vote-20180710">Senegal</a>, these democracies have grown stronger during a period in which the world is supposed to be <a href="https://www.journalofdemocracy.org/articles/facing-up-to-the-democratic-recession/">backsliding on democracy</a>. </p>
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<p>While Europe is convulsed by <a href="https://theconversation.com/brexit-wisdom-of-crowds-proves-effective-predictor-of-britains-chaotic-eu-departure-119906">Brexit</a> and the <a href="https://www.newstatesman.com/2018/05/right-wing-populism-rising-progressive-politics-fails-it-too-late-save-democracy">rise of right-wing populists</a>, and Donald Trump is doing his best to undermine America’s reputation for political checks and balances, Africa’s most democratic states have proved to be remarkably resilient.</p>
<p>Ghana has experienced numerous transfers of power and, in 2016, the first ever defeat of a sitting president. Namibia has consolidated its position as a “free” political system with robust respect for civil liberties, according to <a href="https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2018/namibia">Freedom House</a>. </p>
<p>South Africa suffered politically and economically during the <a href="https://www.news24.com/Analysis/analysis-stepping-out-of-the-nuclear-shadow-of-the-zuma-years-20190627">presidency of Jacob Zuma</a>, but now has the chance to bounce back after the governing African National Congress (ANC) voted to pursue reform under <a href="http://democracyinafrica.org/whats-next-ramaphosa-south-africa-heads-polls/">President Cyril Ramaphosa</a>.</p>
<p>For their part, Botswana and Mauritius – the continent’s oldest democracies – continue to combine respect for political rights with prudent economic policies.</p>
<p>Praising Africa’s democratic success stories does not, of course, mean that we should overlook its failures. A number of countries have taken steps backwards in recent years, including <a href="https://theconversation.com/tanzanias-latest-clampdown-takes-decades-of-repression-to-new-lows-96959">Tanzania</a> and <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-museveni-has-twisted-ugandas-constitution-to-cling-to-power-118933">Uganda</a>. Authoritarian leaders also remain entrenched in <a href="https://theconversation.com/biya-needs-to-devise-a-monumental-shift-if-cameroon-is-to-turn-the-corner-106254">Cameroon</a>, <a href="https://time.com/5559491/chad-social-media-internet-ban-censorship/">Chad</a>, <a href="https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2019/country-chapters/eritrea">Eritrea </a>, and many more. But it is important to recognise that there is much more to Africa than authoritarianism.</p>
<h2>Explaining success</h2>
<p>In the absence of the conventional building blocks of democracy, we need to look elsewhere to explain these success stories. Some might be tempted to think that the role of the global community has been critical in keeping governments on the straight and narrow. But in reality, democracy is built from within, as the fact that aid-dependent countries such as Uganda and Rwanda have remained firmly authoritarian shows only too well.</p>
<p>We should, therefore, give greater credit to the politicians and people of Africa’s democratic states. African presidents are often lambasted for being corrupt and self-serving. But, in a number of countries, they have shown considerable restraint, establishing institutions capable of checking their power.</p>
<p>In Ghana, cohesive relationships among the <a href="https://academic.oup.com/afraf/article/114/457/529/2195167">political elite</a> have underpinned a growing consensus on the value of democracy. In South Africa, inclusive leadership played a critical role in overcoming racial divisions and building trust in the new post-apartheid political system since 1994. In Namibia, successive presidents have refused to use the electoral dominance of the governing party to remove the opposition.</p>
<p>The role played by African citizens also deserves greater recognition. It was their willingness to take to the streets that forced democratic openings in the late 1980s. The same has been true in recent years, with mass action challenging authoritarian regimes in <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/oct/31/burkina-faso-president-blaise-compaore-ousted-says-army">Burkina Faso</a> and <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-sudans-protesters-upped-the-ante-and-forced-al-bashir-from-power-115306">Sudan</a>. </p>
<p>Despite economic challenges and democratic difficulties, high levels of <a href="http://www.afrobarometer.org/press/africans-want-high-quality-elections-especially-if-they-bring-change-afrobarometer-surveys">public support for democracy</a> in Africa mean that leaders understand the costs of backsliding.</p>
<p>At a time when people are questioning the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2018/mar/04/shock-system-liberal-democracy-populism">value of democracy</a> in many Western states, many African populations who have lived under one-party, one-man, or military rule are prepared to fight to prevent their return. This should serve both as an important lesson and a source of inspiration.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/120601/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Nic Cheeseman does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Africa’s democracies have grown stronger during a period in which the world is backsliding on democracy.Nic Cheeseman, Professor of Democracy, University of BirminghamLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1144742019-04-16T13:59:17Z2019-04-16T13:59:17ZWhat Cameroon can teach others about managing community forests<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/267611/original/file-20190404-123400-rluycs.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">About 40% of Cameroon's territory is covered in forest.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Philippe JONG/Shutterstock</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>A quarter of a century ago, Cameroon passed a <a href="https://sherloc.unodc.org/res/cld/document/law-no--94-01-of-20-january-1994-to-lay-down-forestry--wildlife-and-fisheries-regulations-en_html/Law_No._94-01_on_Forestry_Wildlife_and_Fisheries_EN.pdf">law</a> which gave people living on the edge of forests the right to own and manage forest areas. These communities depended on the forest for livelihood activities, like agriculture, hunting, fishing and non-timber forest products – like fruits or medicinal plants.</p>
<p>About 40% of Cameroon’s territory <a href="https://www.wri.org/our-work/project/governance-forests-initiative/cameroon">is covered</a> in forest. But they’re being threatened by deforestation. Over about 25 years, <a href="https://www.wri.org/our-work/project/governance-forests-initiative/cameroon">3 million hectares</a> of Cameroon’s 22 million hectare forests have been cleared. That’s about the size of Belgium. This is a huge concern for the country as about <a href="https://pubs.iied.org/pdfs/G04191.pdf">4 million</a> people depend on the forests for their livelihoods. </p>
<p>So far about <a href="https://www.ecologyandsociety.org/vol23/iss3/art1/">415 forest communities</a> have signed management agreements, covering about 1 million hectares. The aim is to reduce poverty in these communities – as they would benefit from its resources – and – because it would be in their best interests to manage them sustainably – protect the forests. </p>
<p>There have been <a href="https://www.rainforest-alliance.org/articles/community-forestry-combats-urgent-threats-in-cameroon">reports</a> of improved forest conservation and <a href="https://www.commdev.org/userfiles/AIngram1101.pdf">livelihoods</a> in some areas. In the Ngoume community for instance they used money from timber to build bore holes and start a kindergarten.</p>
<p>But <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/242260910_Improving_Decentralized_Forest_Management_in_Cameroon_Options_and_Opportunities_from_Ten_Years_of_Experience">research shows</a> that for most the forest communities there’s been little or no change in their livelihoods. There have also been <a href="https://www.odi.org/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion-files/1224.pdf">reports</a> of illegal logging and deforestation. Forest communities closer to major cities – like Nkimineki and Awae – have been particularly affected. </p>
<p><a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/305656194_An_Analysis_of_Local_Participation_in_Community_Forestry_The_Case_of_Tinto_and_Bimbia-Bonadikombo_Community_Forest_Cameroon">Community level governance</a> has been highlighted as one of they key reasons for these mixed results. Communities elect a management committee to act on their behalf, check and fight illegal forest activities and develop activities that generate revenue for them. </p>
<p><a href="https://www.asb.cgiar.org/publication/community-forest-governance-cameroon-review">We examined</a> 36 of these management committees. We wanted to know whether they followed standard principles for good governance: accountability, equity, participation, representation, their vision and performance. </p>
<p>Our results were mixed. Some met the required good governance standards, but the majority didn’t. For instance, 78% of case studies didn’t meet the standards for all the principles. This was mostly because there wasn’t enough money coming in or because committee members lacked management, entrepreneurial skills, managed the forest in their own interest or had disagreements between them which prevented them from being effective. </p>
<p>To avoid these challenges, countries considering Cameroon’s example must have the right laws and procedures to develop income generating activities and committee members must also be properly trained. </p>
<h2>Community participation</h2>
<p>For <a href="https://www.ecologyandsociety.org/vol23/iss3/art34/#participation">community projects to succeed it’s key</a> that community members participate in decisions that affect them. This includes choices on who represents them, which community projects will be financed and on the type of income generating generating activities that take place.</p>
<p>But community participation in Cameroon’s community forest projects was only seen in 17% of the case studies. In most cases, important decisions were made by the management committee without consulting the community. Women and minority groups – like the hunter gatherer <a href="https://edition.cnn.com/2017/08/16/africa/baka-cameroon-pygmies/index.html">Baka</a> group – were often sidelined. </p>
<p>None of the management committees gave feedback on community forest activities, income from timber exploitation and spending. </p>
<p>They also didn’t ensure all social groups – men, women, young people and minorities – had equal access to benefits and resources. Just 25% included them in management, decision making and income-generating activities.</p>
<p>To see if the forests were being well managed, we investigated illegal logging, deforestation rates and forest management. And to look at whether livelihoods had improved, we looked at whether communities had better access to social amenities – like health facilities – and work. </p>
<p>Just 20% of case studies had a clear vision to replant trees and monitor the forest against illegal logging. And only 45% met the necessary performance standards when it came to improved livelihoods. </p>
<h2>Creating incentives</h2>
<p>Although the committees weren’t good at governing, there were some cases that showed promised and provided lessons.</p>
<p>A lack of income generating activities pushes community members to ignore community activities, like meetings or forest monitoring, for activities for their personal gain, like agriculture or hunting. There must be incentives – like loans, tax breaks or the eco-labelling of products to improve their value – for community income generating activities. This will allow the management committee to use funds for community development projects. </p>
<p>In most cases, community members lacked technical knowledge which would help with governance. Things like forest management, conflict resolution, contract negotiations, basic accounting and reporting of forest activities. There should be periodic national workshops, in collaboration with stakeholders from the government, civil society organisations and communities to address this.</p>
<p>In a few case studies there were influential members of society – within and from outside of the community – helped to provide financial, technical and administrative support to the community forest. We called these people “positive elites”. They could help by sharing their expertise in administration, management, community development and should be given incentives, like awards for positive outcomes. </p>
<p>If these incentives are actively considered in future policies, they could serve as an example and help enhance and stimulate good governance within community forestry in various countries.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/114474/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Forest communities have seen little or no change in improving livelihoods and stopping deforestation.Serge Mandiefe Piabuo, Scientist, Center for International Forestry Research – World Agroforestry (CIFOR-ICRAF)Divine Foundjem Tita, Scientist, Center for International Forestry Research – World Agroforestry (CIFOR-ICRAF)Peter A Minang, Scientist, Center for International Forestry Research – World Agroforestry (CIFOR-ICRAF)Licensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1086892019-01-23T14:33:13Z2019-01-23T14:33:13ZAfrican countries should rethink how they use e-government platforms<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/252680/original/file-20190107-32130-1vvky8m.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Different approaches to e-governance could bear fruit for African countries.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">jurgenfr/Shutterstock</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>More and more governments around the world are <a href="https://publicadministration.un.org/egovkb/Portals/egovkb/Documents/un/2018-Survey/E-Government%20Survey%202018_FINAL%20for%20web.pdf">turning to electronic methods</a> to deliver services and communicate with citizens via the internet. </p>
<p>These e-government systems, as they are known, allow people to do a number of things. They can pay for their utilities, or settle their fines. They can register new businesses or vehicles. They are also able to get information from government agencies through emails, SMS messages, and mobile apps. </p>
<p>Developed nations were the trendsetters in e-government. Now developing countries are catching up. The United Nations named India among the top 100 of 193 UN Member States that were assessed in its <a href="https://publicadministration.un.org/egovkb/Portals/egovkb/Documents/un/2018-Survey/E-Government%20Survey%202018_FINAL%20for%20web.pdf">2018 e-Government Development Index</a>. </p>
<p>In the same report, four African countries – Ghana, Mauritius, South Africa and Tunisia – were rated as having a high e-government development index. This means they’ve made many types of public services available online. More than 30 other countries on the continent, among them Cameroon, Nigeria, Lesotho, Togo and Rwanda, were rated as having made visible progress in e-government.</p>
<p>In theory, this is a good thing. It allows citizens to directly access public services in a faster way without undue bureaucracy. It can also be used to minimise corrupt practices. Governments can also obtain prompt feedback on the quality of public services.</p>
<p>The reality, though, is that African countries’ adoption of e-government platforms hasn’t served the majority of their citizens. Services like e-taxation, e-payment and e-billing are useful for the middle class and richer people. But e-government initiatives that would support and cater to poorer people are sorely lacking.</p>
<p>For example, e-government initiatives designed to enable skills development for poor citizens and the unemployed, or to promote micro enterprises, are not easy to find in most African countries.</p>
<p>E-government initiatives in Africa need to be redesigned and re-contextualised so they can address the needs of most citizens, rather than relatively few.</p>
<p>My colleague Professor Charles Ayo and I <a href="http://eprints.covenantuniversity.edu.ng/7146/#.XDNUrlUzbIU">conducted research</a> about e-government using Nigeria as a case study. We outlined the ways that governments on the continent can redefine and offer more effective, useful e-government.</p>
<p>We identified several ways in which e-government could be used to better suit African countries’ contexts. These included using e-government platforms for electoral processes, to coordinate health care, to support small businesses, and for secure and transparent procurement procedures. </p>
<h2>New ways of thinking</h2>
<p>Our analysis found that there’s a growing awareness of e-government’s benefits in Nigeria. It is increasingly being used. But many challenges still exist.</p>
<p>Some of these are related to poor information and communication technology infrastructure. Poor finance, poor political leadership, as well as poor organisation and communication, also play a role. These problems are not peculiar to Nigeria. They’ve hampered the successful implementation of e-government in many countries in sub-Saharan Africa.</p>
<p>Drawing from our research, we argue that there are several ways in which African e-government platforms can become more useful and relevant for the majority of citizens. </p>
<p>Crucially, such platforms should be accessible on mobile phones; this technology is becoming <a href="http://www.pewglobal.org/2018/10/09/majorities-in-sub-saharan-africa-own-mobile-phones-but-smartphone-adoption-is-modest/">increasingly affordable</a> for most people on the continent. Internet penetration on the continent is <a href="http://www.pewglobal.org/2018/10/09/majorities-in-sub-saharan-africa-own-mobile-phones-but-smartphone-adoption-is-modest/">also improving</a>.</p>
<p>The next question is what services these platforms should offer. We have the following suggestions.</p>
<p>First, there’s e-democracy. This involves the use of information and communication technology to facilitate citizens’ active participation in democratic processes: for instance, voter registration, actual voting and election monitoring. Governance could be made more inclusive and transparent even beyond election time by providing information and promoting continual engagements with elected representatives. </p>
<p>E-government platforms can also create empowering spaces for small and informal businesses. African governments could begin to provide open cloud platforms that can support these enterprises with computing infrastructure, software services, and visibility to a larger consumer market. The beneficiaries could be allowed to access these services for free or for a token fee. </p>
<p>Currently, such initiatives are not common in most African countries. There are social media and advertising platforms, but these are not the same as e-government services designed to help citizens.</p>
<p>Governments’ electronic payment and procurement systems could also be implemented across all sectors of government. This would promote efficiency and reduce corruption to the barest minimum. </p>
<p>E-government solutions could embrace additional aspects: informal learning, skills development, and health campaigns. These would all be valuable approaches to ensure the continent’s e-government platforms do more for the majority.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/108689/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Justine Olawande Daramola of the Cape Peninsula University of Technology receives funding from National Research Foundation of South Africa, and other academic research funding agencies. </span></em></p>African countries’ adoption of e-government platforms hasn’t served the majority of their citizens.Olawande Daramola, Prof, Cape Peninsula University of TechnologyLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1062542018-11-07T11:24:57Z2018-11-07T11:24:57ZBiya needs to devise a monumental shift if Cameroon is to turn the corner<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/244059/original/file-20181106-74754-1wbh0z7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Cameroon President Paul Biya during the presidential elections in October. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">EPA-EFE/Nic Bothma</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Cameroon’s Constitutional Council has declared Paul Biya the <a href="http://www.africanews.com/2018/10/22/paul-biya-wins-cameroon-presidential-election-with-7128-percent-official/">winner</a> of the October 7 presidential election. Even though observers from organisations such as the African Union pointed to severe <a href="https://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2018/10/286815.htm">irregularities</a>, the <a href="http://www.africanews.com/2018/10/22/paul-biya-wins-cameroon-presidential-election-with-7128-percent-official">results were affirmed</a> – 71% of the votes for Biya and 14% for his main competitor Maurice Kamto.</p>
<p>What’s most alarming has been an intense militarisation of parts of the country since the results were proclaimed. In Douala, <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/oct/22/paul-biya-cameroon-85-year-old-president-wins-re-election-landslide">protest activities were blocked</a>. Opposition leaders and followers were <a href="https://www.yahoo.com/news/cameroon-police-arrest-50-opposition-demonstrators-180221244.html">harassed</a>. And the terror in Anglophone cities which predated the elections multiplied. The latest of these is the <a href="https://ewn.co.za/2018/11/07/cameroon-govt-separatists-blame-each-other-for-kidnapping">kidnapping</a> of 79 pupils, the headmaster, a teacher and driver from a Presbyterian boarding school in Bamenda in the Northwest Region.</p>
<p>Consistent with past practice, Biya has resorted to strongman tactics rather than working with different ethnic and regional groups to find solutions to urgent problems. </p>
<p>Decades ago, when Biya took office there was much hope and promise, but within a few years things began to fall apart. In his book, <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Communal-liberalism-Paul-Biya/dp/0333453379/ref=sr_1_1?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1541094054&sr=1-1&keywords=biya%2C+communal+liberalism">Communal Liberalism</a>, written in the tradition of the enlightenment, Biya emphasised the importance of democratic principles and social justice. His actions, however, have been the reverse. </p>
<p>The time has come for him to turn the tide. He can do this by taking specific action. First, he needs to go on television, tell the people that he has heard their voices, cries, and frustrations. He needs to declare his commitment to work towards addressing the problems. </p>
<p>Then he needs to get to work. Biya must figure out how to gain the people’s confidence. One way to do this would be to open the door for fresh ideas to flow in by creating a “brains trust” made up of intellectuals, policymakers and ordinary citizens. Its job would be to deliver – within one month – a document identifying solutions to the nation’s most urgent problems and suggesting ways of implementing them. The brain trust must have gender, ethnic and regional balance. </p>
<p>The problems of the country are monumental, and the response must be equally monumental. </p>
<h2>Early years</h2>
<p>When Biya took office 36 years ago in a peaceful transfer of power, Cameroonians hailed him as a breath of fresh air. Many had grown weary of his predecessor, Ahmadou Ahidjo, who had run the country with an iron fist.</p>
<p>Biya, many believed, heralded a <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Post-Colonial-Cameroon-Politics-Economy-Society/dp/1498564631/ref=sr_1_1?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1541094254&sr=1-1&keywords=postcolonial+cameroon&dpID=51e3lSPSEEL&preST=_SY291_BO1,204,203,200_QL40_&dpSrc=srch">new era</a>. And for a brief period, there was progress.</p>
<p>Once in power, Biya promised the Cameroonian people a New Deal, stating that it would restore prosperity and efficiency. He visited the ten regions in the country. Press freedom was restored. Education was improved as more institutions including university centres were created. The rising crime rate was curbed.</p>
<p>He visited the Anglophone region and even spoke in English, signalled to his Yaoundé ethnic group that he was president of all Cameroon and not just of the Beti ethnic group. He also sought ways to manage the <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Contemporary-West-African-States-Studies/dp/0521368936/ref=sr_1_fkmr0_2?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1541094408&sr=1-2-fkmr0&keywords=o.brien%2C+dunn%2C+rathbone">complicated ethnic and regional problems of the country</a>.</p>
<p>But within a few years Biya began to resort to his predecessor’s tactics. He packed his administration with people from his ethnic group, dismissed the Bamilikes (a major and significant ethnic group), as <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/02589009808729630">“les enemies dans la maison,”</a>, reduced Anglophones to <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Negotiating-Anglophone-Identity-Representation-Afrika-Studiecentrum/dp/9004132953/ref=sr_1_1?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1541097657&sr=1-1&keywords=negotiating+an+anglophone+identity&dpID=41Pn4umrUKL&preST=_SY291_BO1,204,203,200_QL40_&dpSrc=srch">second class citizens</a>, and allowed the nation’s treasury to be controlled by an oligarchy of Yaoundé origin. </p>
<p>Corruption, unemployment, and social decay became endemic. Repeatedly, he <a href="https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/central-africa/cameroon/cameroon-dangers-fracturing-regime">used the military to brutalise peaceful demonstrators</a>. Elections were often rigged, and political <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Cameroon-Politics-Society-Critical-Perspectives/dp/0761825908/ref=sr_1_1?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1541097734&sr=1-1&keywords=gros%2C+cameroon&dpID=110fkrkCQ7L&preST=_BO1,204,203,200_QL70_&dpSrc=srch">opponents marginalised </a>. </p>
<p>But complaints and criticisms changed little, as the country experienced more setbacks and bloodshed. Nor did countries such as the US, France, China and Britain help. Although they complained about the conduct of elections they continued to pursue policies of non-intervention. As long as their interests were safeguarded, they saw no reason to alter the <em>status quo.</em> </p>
<h2>Anglophone crisis</h2>
<p>The Anglophone crisis must be addressed within the first 100 days. Biya should embark on a process of inclusive dialogue coordinated from his office. </p>
<p>The policy of restricting Anglophones to certain cabinet level positions needs to be shelved. Senior level appointments should be based on merit and a can-do spirit, and not on clientelism. The government must institute an “affirmative action” <a href="http://diversity.berkeley.edu/sites/default/files/annurev.psych_.57.102904.pdf">programme</a> to bring previously underrepresented groups such as Anglophones into management positions. </p>
<p>There must be a concerted effort to recruit, admit, and retain Anglophones into the nation’s elite professional schools. This is particularly important because graduates from those schools create, shape and implement policies in the nation. </p>
<p>Those initiatives will increase Anglophone representation in professions such as engineering, teaching, magistracy and finance. It is unacceptable that of the over 150 general managers of the nation’s top parastatal companies, <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Post-Colonial-Cameroon-Politics-Economy-Society/dp/1498564631/ref=sr_1_1?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1541098181&sr=1-1&keywords=postcolonial+cameroon&dpID=51e3lSPSEEL&preST=_SY291_BO1,204,203,200_QL40_&dpSrc=srch">only two are Anglophones</a>.</p>
<p>And a genuine system of accountability needs to be put in place. Military offices – especially those in the Anglophone region who committed atrocities – should be brought to justice. This policy should also apply to residents in the region who engaged in similar practices. The population must be convinced that they can trust the country’s judicial system. </p>
<p>Policies must be put in place to ensure that education is a “sacred obligation” that can never again be hijacked by outside forces. There must be a swift response against those who threaten school children. </p>
<p>And Cameroonians in and out of the country must use their energy and know-how to promote peace. Constructive dialogue must replace the culture of intimidation and threats.</p>
<p>Finally, Biya should commit to visiting different regions of the country. Biya is president of all of Cameroon and not just of the City of Yaoundé, and specifically the community of Etoudi where his residence is located. It’s important for the people to regularly see their leader at work.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/106254/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Julius A. Amin does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Cameroon’s Anglophone crisis must be addressed by the president within the first hundred days.Julius A. Amin, Professor, Department of History, University of DaytonLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1045832018-10-08T15:19:36Z2018-10-08T15:19:36ZCameroon presidential poll underscores the need for term limits<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/239730/original/file-20181008-72113-1boj9nv.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Cameroonian President Paul Biya votes in the presidential elections in the capital Yaounde. He has been in power for 36 years.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">EFE/EPA/Nic Bothma</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>The official results of Cameroon’s October 7, 2018 presidential election are due <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/africa/cameroon-votes-as-separatists-pose-a-threat-biya-win-likely/2018/10/07/e11be120-ca01-11e8-9c0f-2ffaf6d422aa_story.html?amp;utm_term=.4cc85477087a&noredirect=on&utm_term=.28d02b799133">in two weeks</a>. But they’re not expected to yield any surprises. Paul Biya (85), who became president in 1982, is almost certain to retain power for a <a href="https://fr.euronews.com/2018/10/05/cameroun-paul-biya-brigue-un-septieme-mandat">seventh term</a>. If he wins and stays in power until 2025 – the end of his next term – he would have run the country for a whopping 43 years. His overextended rule has been marked by <a href="https://www.business-anti-corruption.com/country-profiles/cameroon/">corruption</a>, <a href="https://www.brookings.edu/opinions/cameroons-presidential-election-will-the-votes-count/">patronage politics</a>, and a <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-43469758">largely absent president</a>.</p>
<p>The election has taken place amid a great deal of uncertainty and insecurity. Municipal and legislative elections were postponed by a year because of <a href="https://www.journalducameroun.com/en/cameroon-postpones-legislative-municipal-elections/">too volatile a space</a>, though government cited more technical reasons. Only senatorial elections were held in <a href="https://democracychronicles.org/presidential-elections-in-cameroon/">March 2018</a>.</p>
<p>The <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-cameroon-separatists/anglophone-cameroons-separatist-conflict-gets-bloodier-idUSKCN1IX4RS">biggest tensions</a> have been between the English-speaking – which represent <a href="http://worldpopulationreview.com/countries/cameroon-population/">20% of the population</a> – and French-speaking parts of the country. After the presidential polls opened on Sunday, <a href="https://www.whig.com/article/20181007/AP/310079953">violent confrontations</a> broke out in English speaking regions of the North West and the South West. Almost no polling took place in these regions following calls by separatists for a lockdown (stay at home), which would mean in effect that no people would leave their houses to vote.</p>
<p>Biya is almost certain to return to power given the government’s well-oiled election machine and its use of the security sector to manage dissent. Elections over the past 10 years have been <a href="https://edition.cnn.com/2011/10/10/world/africa/cameroon-elections/index.html">marred by accusations of fraud</a>. These elections will be no different.</p>
<p>Nevertheless, Biya’s credibility and legitimacy are increasingly being tarnished. And there is growing support for alternative candidates.</p>
<p>The election is a reminder of the importance of defined term limits for presidents. Although Cameroon’s <a href="http://confinder.richmond.edu/admin/docs/Cameroon.pdf">1996 Constitution</a> limited presidential mandates to two seven-year terms, Biya’s party repealed the term limits in 2008 so that he could extend his stay.</p>
<h2>The main contenders</h2>
<p>This year’s election has pitted Biya against <a href="http://www.crtv.cm/2018/08/liste-des-candidats-a-lelection-presidentielle-2018/">eight opposition candidates</a>. The major contenders are Joshua Osih of the <a href="http://www.africanews.com/2018/02/24/cameroon-s-main-opposition-sdf-elects-49-year-old-candidate-to-face-biya/">Social Democratic Front</a>; Maurice Kamto of the <a href="https://www.mrcparty.org/">Cameroon Renaissance Movement</a>; Cabral Libii Li Ngue candidate for <a href="https://www.lebledparle.com/actu/politique/1104138-cameroun-le-parti-univers-de-nkou-mvondo-investi-cabral-libii-comme-son-candidat-a-l-election-presidentielle">Univers party</a>, and <a href="https://akeremuna2018.com/profile/">Akere Tabeng Muna</a> of the <a href="https://www.journalducameroun.com/en/2018-presidential-election-akere-muna-kicks-off-campaign-with-convention-in-yaounde/">Popular Front for Development</a>.</p>
<p>The Social Democratic Front has become a household name in Cameroon since its inception in 1990 and its candidate, Osih, is popular.</p>
<p>For his part, Kamto who heads up the Cameroon Renaissance Movement was a former minister in Biya’s regime. He <a href="http://www.crtv.cm/2018/09/maurice-kamto-presidential-candidate-for-mrc-party/">resigned from government</a> in 2011 to form his own political party. He draws his support from the western region and the urban middle class.</p>
<p>Cabral is a young university lecturer who has been outspoken in his criticism of the regime and has captured the imagination of young Cameroonians. Muna is the son of the former vice president and an international jurist. He aligned with Kamto two days before the election.</p>
<p>Kamto and Cabral attracted large crowds at their rallies. But they are unlikely to gain a majority of votes given that the state’s machinery is stacked against them.</p>
<h2>The issues</h2>
<p>Three major issues dominated the run up to the elections: political transition, the economy, and security.</p>
<p>After 36 years as president, the opposition and other observers view Biya’s exit as long overdue. But he is unlikely to step down as has been the case of other African leaders who have overstayed their terms. And the opposition forces are not yet strong enough to force a change in leadership.</p>
<p>Cameroon is central Africa’s largest economy, producing oil, gas, timber, and cocoa. Nevertheless, it faces a range of major economic challenges. These include <a href="https://theodora.com/wfbcurrent/cameroon/cameroon_economy.html">stagnant per capita income, inequitable distribution of income</a>, <a href="https://www.business-anti-corruption.com/country-profiles/cameroon/">corruption</a>, nepotism and a <a href="https://www.businessincameroon.com/companies/1307-7263-in-cameroon-the-informal-sector-weighs-as-much-in-gdp-as-in-south-africa-and-mauritius-but-less-than-in-nigeria">large informal economy</a>. It also has substantial debt, constituting<a href="https://tradingeconomics.com/cameroon/government-debt-to-gdp"> 35% of its GDP</a>.</p>
<p>Of all the issues affecting the election, security is the biggest. For nearly two years there have been protests in the North West and South West against what Anglophones describe as general marginalisation as well as the “Frenchification” of their courts and schools. The protests have been met with a <a href="https://theconversation.com/biya-must-stop-the-killings-in-cameroon-and-lead-the-search-for-peace-100026">brutal crackdown</a> which in turn triggered an armed pro-independence insurgency.</p>
<p>On top of this <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/anglophone-crisis-looms-cameroon-presidential-election-181004081327023.html">Cameroon has been challenged</a> by the violence of Boko-Haram in the North, the instability of the Central Africa Republic in the East and the separatist movement in the South. Clashes with the separatists have already left <a href="http://www.theeastafrican.co.ke/news/africa/Amnesty-says-scores-killed-in-Cameroon-violence/4552902-4767086-f6kq23z/index.html">400 people dead</a> and 20 000 displaced as refugees in neighbouring Nigeria.</p>
<h2>Implications for African politics</h2>
<p>Some commentators have pointed to the problem of <a href="http://democracyinafrica.org/choiceless-democracy/">“choiceless democracies”</a> in Africa. Leading economist <a href="https://prabook.com/web/thandika.mkandawire/497006">Thandika Mkandawire</a> <a href="https://allafrica.com/stories/200804171247.html">has noted that</a> “African leaders exhibit a wide array of unethical ways when it comes to capturing, retention, and exercising of political power, the long-term result being the tendency by a people denied the right to a free choice of their leaders to write electoral lists in blood.”</p>
<p>This is once again playing out in Cameroon. The country has a president who has captured the state to the detriment of many of his people. And people increasingly see violence as the only means through which they can have their voices heard and their needs taken into account.</p>
<p>Across Africa pessimism is replacing the mood of the <a href="https://theconversation.com/democracy-in-africa-the-ebbs-and-flows-over-six-decades-42011">1990s</a> when multi-party democracy was on the rise. Old tendencies of authoritarian leaders remaining in power beyond their term, corruption and the pillaging of public resources persist. These in turn is leading to a rise in conflict.</p>
<p>The African Union (AU) and regional intergovernmental institutions seem unable to hold leaders like Biya to account. This despite the AU’s proclamations of <a href="https://issafrica.org/iss-today/silencing-the-guns-by-2020-ambitious-but-essential">“silencing the guns”</a> in Africa by 2020, and creating an Africa of good governance, democracy, respect for human rights, justice and the rule of law <a href="https://au.int/en/agenda2063">by 2063</a>. All Africans need to take a principled stand on presidential term limits as it is impacting on the development, peace and security of the continent.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/104583/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Gabriel Ngah Kiven is a University of Johannesburg GES Scholar</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Cheryl Hendricks does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>President Paul Biya’s credibility and legitimacy are increasingly being tarnished, amid growing support for opposition candidates.Cheryl Hendricks, Executive director, Africa Institute of South Africa, Human Sciences Research CouncilGabriel Ngah Kiven, PhD candidate in Political Studies at the Department of Politics and International Relations, University of JohannesburgLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1038572018-09-27T13:21:09Z2018-09-27T13:21:09ZThe world’s major powers must not ignore Cameroon’s Anglophone crisis<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/237887/original/file-20180925-149964-1qh6evw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=0%2C508%2C5000%2C2312&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Cameroon is in crisis. It needs an intervention.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Shutterstock</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Cameroon’s Anglophone region is rapidly becoming a <a href="https://www.cameroononline.org/mass-exodus-underway-from-cameroons-english-speaking-regions/">no-go zone</a>. Thousands of residents fled to the country’s French speaking cities of Douala, Yaoundé, and Bafoussam, during August and September, <a href="https://www.cameroononline.org/mass-exodus-underway-from-cameroons-english-speaking-regions/">anticipating more bloodshed</a> before the country’s October presidential elections.</p>
<p>English-speaking Cameroon makes up <a href="http://worldpopulationreview.com/countries/cameroon-population/">roughly 20%</a> of the country’s 24.8 million people.</p>
<p>It has been nearly three years since the Anglophone crisis began. It started when English-speaking teachers and lawyers went on strike demanding fair working conditions. They and other Anglophone residents complain that their <a href="https://theconversation.com/history-explains-why-cameroon-is-at-war-with-itself-over-language-and-culture-85401">language and culture are marginalised</a> by Cameroon’s French-speaking government and legislators.</p>
<p>The government responded with force. The conflict that followed has been vicious; unprecedented in the nation’s history. It’s a reminder of older, brutal wars elsewhere in Africa: in <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Bush-Wives-Girl-Soldiers-through-ebook/dp/B00ST5KMG0/ref=sr_1_1?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1537706599&sr=1-1&keywords=chris+coulter%2C+bush+wives+and+girl+soldiers">Sierra Leone</a>, Liberia and Rwanda. </p>
<p>During these wars, the world’s major powers did little as millions were slaughtered. Some later <a href="https://www.cnbc.com/id/100546207">apologised</a> for their inaction. And yet it seems no lessons have been learned. Countries like France, the US and China have issued carefully worded statements calling for an end to hostilities – and done nothing more.</p>
<p>Lip service is not enough. It’s time for these major powers to act. Great nation status comes with great responsibilities, and particularly in an interconnected global environment there must be a moral imperative in the conduct of foreign policy. These powers must also recognise that Cameroon’s ongoing crisis threatens the wider West African region’s long and short term stability.</p>
<h2>Business as usual</h2>
<p>There’s no doubt that global powers know exactly what’s happening in Cameroon. In June 2018, the US Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International Organisations in Washington D.C heard <a href="https://foreignaffairs.house.gov/hearing/subcommittee-hearing-crisis-in-the-republic-of-the-cameroon/">witness testimonies</a> about the graphic nature of hostilities in Cameroon.</p>
<p>And yet, as a cursory glance at the <a href="https://cm.usembassy.gov/">US embassy website</a> in Yaoundé reveals, it’s mostly business as usual for the two countries. American citizens are warned to avoid travelling to Cameroon’s English speaking regions – but that’s the extent of it.</p>
<p>On its <a href="https://cm.ambafrance.org/-English-">official embassy website</a>, meanwhile, France refers to Cameroon as a “friend” and a “partner”. It calls for “restraint.” Considering how vital the country is to its strategic interests in the West African region, one might expect France to say – or do – more.</p>
<p>China’s actions in this saga have also been extremely frustrating. At the recent <a href="https://www.focac.org/eng/">Forum of China-African Cooperation</a> in Beijing, President Paul Biya was given the red carpet treatment. No Chinese leaders, and none from the rest of Africa, made any public statements about the Anglophone crisis.</p>
<h2>Strategic importance</h2>
<p>All of this is extremely vexing given Cameroon’s strategic importance. For many years the US monitored its interest in Equatorial Guinea from Yaoundé. Cameroon and the US <a href="https://www.dailymail.co.uk/wires/afp/article-3274358/Nigeria-welcomes-US-troops-Cameroon-Boko-Haram.html">are partners</a> in coordinating efforts against Boko Haram and other global terrorist groups.</p>
<p>Cameroon <a href="https://www.amazon.com/End-French-Rule-Cameroon-ebook/dp/B009L88HLG/ref=sr_1_1?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1537707720&sr=1-1&keywords=martin+atangana&dpID=41HKRqxJ1WL&preST=_SY445_QL70_&dpSrc=srch">is vital</a> to France’s interest in the West African region. The Anglophone crisis could destabilise the region by snowballing into neighbouring countries. And other former French colonies will be watching with interest, noting the European power’s hands off approach.</p>
<p>China’s policy of non-intervention in another country’s domestic affairs has only strengthened the resolve of tyrants like Biya. He remains one of China’s key allies in the region. Publicly, China’s Premier Li Keqiang has said little about the ongoing Anglophone Crisis. Instead he’s <a href="https://www.trtworld.com/mea/china-donates-nearly-8-million-to-cameroon-s-security-forces-19016">given more money</a> to Biya’s government and enjoys <a href="https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/zxxx_662805/t1545697.shtml">cordial relations</a> with the long time leader.</p>
<p>Perhaps as long as the crisis doesn’t interfere with China’s receipt of timber, rubber and other raw materials from Cameroon, there won’t be a shift in Beijing’s attitude any time soon.</p>
<h2>Agitating for change</h2>
<p>It seems unlikely, though, that the world’s major powers will totally change their approach to what are viewed as sovereign issues.</p>
<p>But there are things that can be done, and some are quite basic. Biya can be forced to do the right thing. For instance, he spends a significant amount of <a href="https://www.change.org/p/swiss-intercontinental-hotel-and-president-paul-biya-of-cameroon-evict-biya-out-of-intercontinental-hotel-where-he-is-currently-on-vacation-2">vacation time</a> in Switzerland. </p>
<p>There is absolutely no reason why European nations and journalists shouldn’t speak out about the leader’s spending of his country’s resources in Switzerland, France, and other places. </p>
<p>Emmanuel Macron, France’s president, must turn his <a href="http://www.betatinz.com/2018/07/french-president-emmanuel-macron-paul-biya-phone-call-cameroon-news.html">verbal threats</a> into actions. Sanctions, for instance, will force Cameroon to address the Anglophone problem. France could also stop the supply of military hardware and intelligence to Biya’s regime. </p>
<p>China can also do more. Its policy of non-intervention doesn’t apply when its interests are threatened: it intervened in <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-14952240">Zambia’s elections</a> to safeguard its interests there.</p>
<p>Finally, the African Union has a role to play while it awaits more concerted efforts from European powers. For instance, the continental body could threaten to withdraw the hosting of next year’s <a href="http://www.goal.com/en-za/news/caf-stamps-final-approval-on-cameroon-as-2019-afcon-hosts/m8etxn15y12bzwbcrhgsccnd">African Nations Cup</a> if Biya doesn’t offer a clear timeline for solving the Anglophone crisis. This threat to a major money spinner and point of prestige could shock Biya into action.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/103857/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Julius A. Amin does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>It has been nearly three years since the Anglophone crisis began in Cameroon. The conflict has been vicious and it’s time for world leaders to act not just talk.Julius A. Amin, Professor, Department of History, University of DaytonLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/982482018-06-24T07:21:37Z2018-06-24T07:21:37ZCameroon’s Anglophone crisis threatens national unity. The time for change is now<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/224195/original/file-20180621-137717-1xr78ht.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Cameroon's President Paul Biya has been in charge for nearly 40 years. His people want change.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">REUTERS/LINTAO ZHANG</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Cameroon’s governance and security problems have historically attracted little outside attention. But this seems likely to change, for two reasons. The first is the <a href="https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/central-africa/cameroon/cameroon-electoral-uncertainty-amid-multiple-security-threats">growing political crisis</a> in the Central African nation’s English-speaking region. The second is a <a href="https://www.news24.com/Africa/News/cameroon-opposition-party-picks-presidential-candidate-20180224">presidential election</a> scheduled for October 2018.</p>
<p>Roughly <a href="https://qz.com/1097892/cameroons-anglophone-crisis-is-danger-of-becoming-a-full-blown-conflict/">20% of the country’s population</a> of 24.6 million people are Anglophone. The majority are Francophone. The unfair domination of French-speaking politicians in government has long been the source of conflict.</p>
<p>Activists in the country’s Anglophone western regions are protesting their forced assimilation into the dominant Francophone society. They argue that this process violates their minority rights, which are <a href="https://theconversation.com/history-explains-why-cameroon-is-at-war-with-itself-over-language-and-culture-85401">protected under agreements that date back to the 1960s</a>. Anglophone political representation and involvement at many levels of society has dwindled since the Federal Republic of Cameroon became the United Republic of Cameroon in 1972. There are <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/aponline/2018/06/12/world/africa/ap-af-cameroon-deadly-violence.html">growing calls</a> for the Anglophone region to secede from Cameroon. </p>
<p>This festering conflict represents <a href="https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/central-africa/cameroon/cameroon-electoral-uncertainty-amid-multiple-security-threats">a major test</a> as Cameroonians prepare for the October elections.</p>
<p>Three things are urgently needed now in Cameroon. The first is to understand the origins of the crisis. The second is to support an inclusive national dialogue. And the third is to ensure that the 2018 elections are free and fair for all.</p>
<h2>Growing crisis</h2>
<p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tAgBBzrjMUI">Before 1961</a>, the Southern Cameroons were a British administered territory from Nigeria. They elected to join the Republic of Cameroon by UN plebiscite in 1961 around the time of decolonisation. </p>
<p>A power-sharing agreement was reached: the executive branch of government was meant to be shared by Francophones and Anglophones. But that agreement has not been upheld and, over the years, Anglophone political representation has been <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tAgBBzrjMUI">steadily eroded</a>.</p>
<p>The crisis came to a head in late 2016 when lawyers, joined by teachers and others with similar grievances, led protests in major western cities demanding that the integrity of their professional institutions be protected and their minority rights respected. </p>
<p>President Paul Biya responded by deploying troops to the region and blocking internet access. When peaceful demonstrations were met with violent repression it exacerbated tensions and escalated the conflict to a national political crisis. </p>
<p>On 12 June 12 2018, <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/aponline/2018/06/12/world/africa/ap-af-cameroon-deadly-violence.html">Amnesty International issued a report</a> documenting human rights violations in Cameroon. <a href="https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/central-africa/cameroon/cameroon-electoral-uncertainty-amid-multiple-security-threats">The International Crisis Group says</a> that at least 120 civilians and 43 members of security forces <a href="https://www.yahoo.com/news/un-says-160-000-anglophone-cameroonians-fled-violence-145916871.html">have been killed</a> in the most recent waves of violence. </p>
<p>More than 20,000 people have fled to neighbouring Nigeria, and an estimated 160,000 are displaced within Cameroon. </p>
<p>Some human rights activists <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2018/05/30/africas-next-civil-war-could-be-in-cameroon/?utm_term=.0880fcf57106">worry</a> that Cameroon could be the site of Africa’s next civil war.</p>
<p>Agbor Nkongho, an Anglophone human rights lawyer and director of the Center for Human Rights and Democracy in Africa, told the <em>Washington Post</em>: </p>
<blockquote>
<p>We are gradually, gradually getting there (civil war). I’m not seeing the willingness of the government to try to find and address the issue in a way that we will not get there.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Another issue is that there are diverse views even within the Anglophone and Francophone communities about what would be best for Cameroon going forward.</p>
<h2>Obstacles to national unity</h2>
<p>In October 2017 the separatist leader Julius Ayuk Tabe declared the independence of the <a href="https://www.ambazonia.org/">Republic of Ambazonia</a>. His interim government laid claim to a territory whose borders are the same as the UN Trust Territory of Southern Cameroons under British rule (1922-1961). </p>
<p>The interim government’s spokesman, Nso Foncha Nkem, <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KL7HM47aqA8">invited</a> Francophones to leave the region and called on Anglophones in Biya’s “rubber-stamp” government to return to Ambazonia and support the movement. He also pleaded for unity, asking that Anglophones speak in one voice. </p>
<p>However, that call has not overcome the challenges posed by <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tAgBBzrjMUI">diverse viewpoints</a> within the Anglophone population itself. Some favour secession. Others want to return to the 1961 federation and the power-sharing agreement. There are those who prefer decentralisation that would devolve power to regional leaders, and some who simply want an administrative solution that would leave the Republic of Cameroon as it stands. </p>
<p>And among the Francophone population, there is some support for the radical separatists, while some see the Anglophone situation as a general crisis of governance and others deny any problem exists. </p>
<p>Mongo Beti, a Francophone novelist and activist who spent 30 years in exile, observed after <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/3820363?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents">returning home</a> in the 1990s that a general absence of identification with a viable, unified nation due to various divisions had frayed Cameroon’s social fabric and was a significant impediment to progress. </p>
<p>It is unclear whether Biya, who is 85 and in power since 1982, will run for re-election. His 38 years in office as a corrupt, absent leader have left <a href="https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/central-africa/cameroon/cameroon-electoral-uncertainty-amid-multiple-security-threats">the nation in tatters</a>. The vast majority of Cameroonians, whether Anglophone or Francophone, are hungry for change. </p>
<h2>The way forward?</h2>
<p>There is an <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tAgBBzrjMUI">urgent need for an inclusive national dialogue</a> to harness this desire for change. </p>
<p>The government must recognise that it faces a substantive national crisis and take extraordinary steps. A general conversation about governance in all its regions is also necessary. Given the depth and severity of people’s grievances, a holistic approach is needed that would address issues of governance, security, and civic engagement to mend the bonds that have been broken. </p>
<p>This is necessary if the current crisis it to become an opportunity to develop a new road map for the future that could empower citizens.</p>
<p><em>Phyllis Taoua is the author of African Freedom: How Africa Responded to Independence (Cambridge University Press, 2018) and was a Tucson Public Voices Fellow with the Op-Ed Project.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/98248/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Phyllis Taoua does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Some human rights activists worry that Cameroon could be the site of Africa’s next civil war.Phyllis Taoua, Professor of Francophone Studies (Africa, Caribbean), Faculty Affiliate with Africana Studies, World Literature Program and Human Rights Pracice, University of ArizonaLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.