tag:theconversation.com,2011:/us/topics/fiona-scott-6736/articlesFiona Scott – The Conversation2016-06-13T20:13:06Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/600502016-06-13T20:13:06Z2016-06-13T20:13:06ZState of the states: New South Wales and the issues resounding in bellwether seats<p><em>Ahead of polling day on July 2, our <a href="https://theconversation.com/au/topics/state-of-the-states-2016">State of the states series</a> takes stock of the key issues, seats and policies affecting the vote in each of Australia’s states and territories. We begin today with a look at <a href="http://theconversation.com/state-of-the-states-19-reasons-why-turnbull-and-shorten-keep-flying-to-queensland-60046">Queensland</a> and New South Wales.</em></p>
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<p>Elections in Australia tend to be won and lost in regional and outer suburban areas, often including semi-rural areas. This is certainly the case in New South Wales, which has a good number of such seats, both surrounding Sydney and up and down the coast.</p>
<p>These areas have a number of characteristics that distinguish them from the Sydney electorates, which are much more stable in their voting patterns. First, they have a higher proportion of Australian-born residents. This also translates into more people identifying as having some sort of affiliation with a Christian church.</p>
<p>Outer suburban electorates tend to have a younger demographic with young families and a higher proportion of children than elsewhere. Regional electorates, especially on the coast, usually combine a demographic of young families with a significant number of people over the age of 65.</p>
<p>This demographic can be seen quite clearly in three “<a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bellwether">bellwether</a>” seats: Lindsay, Robertson and Eden-Monaro. All three of these seats have been won by the party that formed government for at least the past three decades – or in Eden-Monaro’s case, going back to <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-eden-monaro-project-the-first-report-14118">1972</a>.</p>
<h2>Key seats</h2>
<p><a href="http://www.aec.gov.au/profiles/nsw/lindsay.htm">Lindsay</a> is on the fringes of Western Sydney, <a href="http://www.aec.gov.au/profiles/nsw/robertson.htm">Robertson</a> is north of Sydney covering Gosford and Woy Woy, while <a href="http://www.aec.gov.au/profiles/nsw/eden-monaro.htm">Eden-Monaro</a> combines urban Queanbeyan with coastal retirement areas such as Narooma and country towns such as Tumut.</p>
<p>All have more than 70% of their population born in Australia, with more than 80% speaking only English at home. All are still about 25% Anglican. While the median age in Lindsay is 34, it is more than 40 in both Robertson and Eden-Monaro.</p>
<p>All three seats recorded a lower Green first preference vote than the NSW average in 2013. The Green vote in Lindsay was only 3.1%. Eden-Monaro had the highest green vote at 7.5%, but this reflects the presence of Queanbeyan, almost a Canberra suburb, in the electorate. Clearly “<a href="http://www.britannica.com/topic/postmaterialism">post-materialist</a>” policies matter, including environmentalism, but are not of determining importance in these electorates.</p>
<p>These seats can be seen as having a strong element of what could be described as “old Australian”. The variations in their age distribution will, however, affect the policies that are significant for these seats.</p>
<h2>Key issues</h2>
<p>It is difficult to identify specific issues that are relevant only to NSW unlike, say, South Australia, which has the highest unemployment rate in the country. <a href="https://www.strongercouncils.nsw.gov.au/">Council amalgamations</a>, which are a state matter, have angered many people, but it is difficult to know to what extent this will affect federal voting.</p>
<p>The <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2016-02-19/liberals-suspended-for-talking-preselection-to-abc-730/7185652">factional infighting</a> within the Liberal Party has little interest for the average voter, although it may well affect the amount of resources and effort the party puts in on polling day in terms of workers on the ground in particular electorates. </p>
<p>Lindsay could be affected because the current member, Fiona Scott, seems to have become caught up in this struggle by refusing to say <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-perils-of-lindsay-and-the-hovering-abbott-shadow-59272">who she voted for</a> in last year’s leadership ballot. A survey reported in The Daily Telegraph earlier this month indicated that only <a href="http://www.news.com.au/national/federal-election/federal-election-2016-faceless-marginal-mps-are-local-zeros-in-the-minds-of-voters/news-story/9067b945efb6c12bc994ca85f4838a7d?nk=e5606c78daab6dc81acf26e29124fd89-1465134372&memtype=registered">35% of voters in Lindsay</a> knew who the Liberal candidate is. However, a <a href="http://www.canberratimes.com.au/federal-politics/federal-election-2016/labor-behind-in-key-seats-needed-to-win-20160610-gpgcx4.html">Fairfax/ReachTEL poll</a> released on June 12 still put Scott ahead of Labor’s Emma Husar, 54% to 46%.</p>
<p>What will determine the election is the distinctive nature of these bellwether seats. The policies that matter are those relevant to their particular demographic.</p>
<p>As an electorate composed of people who have to watch their spending, it’s not surprising that Lindsay voters <a href="http://www.canberratimes.com.au/federal-politics/federal-election-2016/labor-behind-in-key-seats-needed-to-win-20160610-gpgcx4.html">surveyed by ReachTEL</a> said the economy was the biggest issue influencing their vote – as did voters in the six other Coalition-held marginal seats nationally that were <a href="http://www.canberratimes.com.au/federal-politics/federal-election-2016/labor-behind-in-key-seats-needed-to-win-20160610-gpgcx4.html">polled</a>. Issues such as childcare, health and education will also be crucial in Lindsay. </p>
<p>At the same time it could be noted that as the parties need to win seats such as Lindsay, they will adjust their policies accordingly, thinking that all they need to do is spend on areas such as childcare and education to win votes. How the electorate will respond to these tactics remains to be seen.</p>
<p>Lindsay has a <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/federal-election-2016/election-2016-former-liberal-nominates-against-fiona-scott-in-lindsay-20160526-gp4ajw.html">large number of candidates</a>, including from the Nick Xenophon Team and the Australian Liberty Alliance. As recent polling suggests there has been a <a href="https://theconversation.com/major-parties-have-a-lot-to-answer-for-in-the-drift-to-minor-players-60527">move away from the major parties</a>, the votes for such parties will indicate how much of a trust deficit for the major parties there is in Australia.</p>
<p>To date, both Eden-Monaro and Robertson have much smaller fields of candidates than Lindsay. More importantly, both electorates have a greater proportion of <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/federal-election-2016/election-2016-the-superannuation-change-that-could-help-the-coalition-20160601-gp8ug0.html">people aged over 65</a>, including retired public servants in Eden-Monaro.</p>
<p>Consequently, issues regarding the aged come much more into play in these electorates. This could play out in terms of reaction to the <a href="http://www.theaustralian.com.au/federal-election-2016/federal-election-2016-kelly-odwyer-explains-superannuation/news-story/9e3343fb5582d60bf8564096a75d905f">Coalition’s policies on superannuation</a>. Many people will have arranged their affairs according to the rules that are being superseded.</p>
<p>In Eden-Monaro, health could also be an issue, especially for those living on the coast and who need to travel for medical services. In both these electorates, as in Lindsay, it will be matters pertaining to core services of health, education, childcare and aged care that will matter most.</p>
<p>There is a certain irony in the fact that in an age when Australia looks at itself as a <a href="http://abs.gov.au/websitedbs/censushome.nsf/home/CO-59">multicultural society</a>, it may well be the case – in NSW at least – that constituencies much closer to the Australia of old are deciding elections. This has to do with the ageing of the population and the movement of people of a certain kind out of the cities into areas with crucial marginal seats.</p>
<p>To win government, parties must win these marginal seats – and that means devising policies targeted at voters in those seats. In this way, such seats exercise an influence on the major parties of which those us living in safe Liberal or Labor seats can only dream.</p>
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<p><em>Catch up on <a href="https://theconversation.com/au/topics/state-of-the-states-2016">others in this series</a>.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/60050/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Gregory Melleuish receives funding from the Australian Research Council. He is a member of the Academic Advisory Board of the Menzies Research Centre.</span></em></p>Superannuation, health and child care are among the issues that are likely to matter most to voters in the bellwether NSW seats of Eden-Monaro, Robertson and Lindsay.Gregory Melleuish, Associate Professor, School of History and Politics, University of WollongongLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/590262016-05-16T04:03:13Z2016-05-16T04:03:13ZWestern Sydney and the 2016 election: the battle for … the best cliché?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/122403/original/image-20160513-13529-16wb00y.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Malcolm Turnbull made an early campaign visit to western Sydney with Liberal MP Fiona Scott.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">AAP/Lukas Coch</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>As has been the case in the last few Australian federal elections, politicians have focused their early attention in the campaign on “western Sydney” as they seek to display their connection to New South Wales’ <a href="http://www.ceda.com.au/events/ceda_series/western-sydney-growth-series">fastest-growing region</a>.</p>
<p>Shadow Finance Minister Tony Burke <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/am/content/2016/s4459789.htm">said</a> you must know there is an election on because Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-perils-of-lindsay-and-the-hovering-abbott-shadow-59272">has been seen</a> in western Sydney. Changing political and social demographics mean no-one is able to take this complex and diverse region for granted.</p>
<p>Long neglected, western Sydney is now the scene of many recycled funding announcements that aim to capture a region now known for its willingness to dump sitting candidates and flex its political muscle. The once-safe Labor <a href="http://www.aec.gov.au/profiles/nsw/lindsay.htm">seat of Lindsay</a>, centred on the region of Penrith, is represented by Liberal Fiona Scott on a margin of 3%. But this margin could easily disappear come July 2.</p>
<h2>The key local issues</h2>
<p>Both Labor leader Bill Shorten and Turnbull are likely to spend quite a bit of time in Western Sydney pressing the flesh and delivering “announceables”. But what issues are most important to the region?</p>
<p>Western Sydney’s diversity means an election promise suitable for one part of the region will be meaningless to other areas. For example, the <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/nsw/light-rail-link-to-green-square-among-nations-top-priorities-20160216-gmvbhf.html">federal government’s commitment</a> to the Parramatta Light Rail has been well received by residents and workers in the local area. But this important piece of new infrastructure does little for voters in southwest Sydney. </p>
<p>Similarly, the <a href="http://www.dailytelegraph.com.au/news/fairgowest/fair-go-for-the-west-turnbull-commits-to-badgerys-creek-airport-fast-rail-network/news-story/41a9b4c0bb91f201745cd3b288a57b73">commitment to Badgery’s Creek Airport</a>, which most thought would never be announced, was cheered by many throughout the west. Yet many residents in Blue Mountains and outer Sydney, some of whom moved to the region to escape the noise and rush of the metropolis, will be looking to the ballot box to <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2016-03-30/prime-minister-turnbull-booed-by-protesters-blue-mountains/7284256">vent their anger</a> at the planned flightpaths over their houses. </p>
<p>The proposed airport also lacks rail infrastructure. Many local residents see this as a major flaw. They are dreading the congestion that is likely to follow.</p>
<p>The fight over the airport shows each western Sydney seat will be fought on very local issues. Many local residents <a href="https://theconversation.com/if-the-people-cant-get-to-their-jobs-bring-the-jobs-to-the-people-57567">commute long distances to work</a>, by negotiating Sydney’s clogged motorways or the cramped, unreliable public transport network.</p>
<p>As such, many infrastructure funding announcements are unlikely to result in cheers, coming decades too late. These election promises are <a href="http://www.stmarysstar.com.au/story/3895266/much-more-to-fight-for-in-the-west/">more likely to result</a> in sighs of frustration, given how overdue they are.</p>
<h2>Best approach missing</h2>
<p>So what is the best approach to help western Sydney as its population continues to expand, placing increasing strain on existing resources?</p>
<p>Turnbull’s <a href="http://www.theaustralian.com.au/national-affairs/turnbull-touts-30minute-cities-as-he-backs-badgerys-creek-fast-rail-link/news-story/a5425c4ca469996d4795e430ef38b048?login=1">vision of a “30-minute city”</a> has been widely welcomed by western Sydney. This idea that the maximum commute for residents of a city be limited to 30 minutes is fantastic. But without massive investment, there simply won’t be enough jobs and infrastructure to make this vision feasible.</p>
<p>While the recent federal budget was quite friendly to western Sydney, with funds allocated for light rail and road infrastructure, it will not deliver <a href="https://theconversation.com/city-deals-still-no-more-than-a-pamphlet-after-budget-2016-58737">anything close</a> to the 30-minute city.</p>
<p>An economy in transition is one that requires government support. How exactly will the tens of thousands of workers in the manufacturing sector move into the knowledge economy? This will not happen overnight. Neither major party has explained in detail how they will assist in this transition.</p>
<p>Finally, while much has been said about the need for economic infrastructure, little has been said about social infrastructure. Western Sydney’s unemployment rate remains <a href="http://lmip.gov.au/default.aspx?LMIP/LFR_SAFOUR/NSW_LFR_LM_byLFR_UnemploymentRate">relatively high</a> compared to the rest of Sydney, and there is a younger age profile who need support for employment and a quality education. </p>
<p>Compounding this, western Sydney remains a prized location for many migrants. There are also pockets of severe disadvantage as local support services struggle to service the increasing demand for assistance.</p>
<p>Too often politicians concentrate on physical infrastructure. They neglect the need to support community programs, including arts-based organisations, that confront this disadvantage by promoting community harmony, dealing with health issues and ensuring a viable workforce.</p>
<p>Neither major party has offered anything substantial on this front.</p>
<p>Western Sydney is a dramatically different region to the one that existed even two elections ago. Residents clearly understand that being in a swinging seat and the federal spotlight is more beneficial than being taken for granted.</p>
<p>As such, the unpredictable nature of voters will continue. While this could be a good thing when it comes to resource allocation, one can only hope it doesn’t lead to politicians in safety vests announcing projects that don’t tackle the region’s social and infrastructure needs. Western Sydney’s residents deserve better.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/59026/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>James Arvanitakis receives funding from the Australian Research Council and the Office of Learning and Teaching. He is a board member of the Australian Public Education Foundation, a member of the Australian Research Council: Excellence in Research for Australia 2015 Evaluation Committee, Office of Learning and Teaching (OLT): Committee Member: Awards Committee, a member of the panel of experts for the Tertiary Education Quality and Standards Agency (TEQSA and a research fellow at The Centre for Policy Development.</span></em></p>Changing political and social demographics mean no-one is able to take the complex and diverse western Sydney region for granted.James Arvanitakis, Professor in Cultural and Social Analysis, Western Sydney UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/592722016-05-11T09:34:02Z2016-05-11T09:34:02ZThe perils of Lindsay and the hovering Abbott shadow<p>It’s not like the dark cloud of Kevin Rudd over Julia Gillard in 2013 but Tony Abbott’s shadow is hovering over Malcolm Turnbull’s campaign.</p>
<p>It was there ominously on Wednesday, when the Prime Minister was out in the western Sydney electorate of Lindsay, with MP Fiona Scott.</p>
<p>Lindsay is one of those seats where things, good and bad, happen for the Liberals in an exaggerated sort of way. Like Jackie Kelly’s triumph in 1996 and her crash, amid a scandal over an offensive electoral pamphlet, in 2007. Like Abbott in 2013 declaring Scott had sex appeal, which caused outrage on the day although it may have helped her local profile.</p>
<p>The urbane Turnbull would never be so injudicious as his predecessor. But his joint appearance with Scott was as fraught as Abbott’s.</p>
<p>Scott was on the Turnbull list in the leadership ballot. And why wouldn’t she be? Apart from anything else, her seat is on a 3% margin. But there has been blow back, locally and elsewhere. Liberals in Abbott’s seat of Warringah, who have previously supported Lindsay, made it known they didn’t want to be helping Scott. They have been allocated other seats.</p>
<p>At his news conference Turnbull was asked whether his presence was to reward Scott for her vote “and what can you do to counter the Tony Abbott loyalists who consider her a traitor?”</p>
<p>In the circumstances it was less than wise for Turnbull, after talking up Scott, to invite journalists to ask her about her local activity. The reporters didn’t give a toss. Instead, she was invited to explain the superannuation tax, the issue du jour, which she preferred not to tackle, saying Turnbull had already done that.</p>
<p>Then came the killer question: “Could you tell us which way you voted in September because it seems to be an issue for Mr Abbott’s supporters in this seat that you became a traitor by voting for Mr Turnbull?”</p>
<p>Scott replied that she took her role as a parliamentarian “very, very seriously. In that, the solidarity of the party room is absolutely crucial. I don’t leak from the party room. … I have never disclosed how I voted and frankly I never will. Because I think it’s important for members of parliament to be able to take the trust of their communities and the trust of their community is taking your vows and your oaths very seriously. … I hold my own moral code … and I’m not going to break what I think is a very important oath to both the party…”</p>
<p>At this point Turnbull jumped in to say Scott had spoken “courageously” and with the “highest integrity”.</p>
<p>In fact her answer seemed quite misjudged, with its reference to “oaths” and the “solidity of the party room”, which by definition was anything but solid. Nor is revealing how you voted “a leak from the party room” that would jeopardise community trust in you. Indeed, it could be argued an MP who voted against her prime minister in his first term had an obligation to explain her reasons to the community.</p>
<p>Anyway, at a tactical level Scott would have done better to say, “Yes I supported Malcolm and it’s great he’s here”.</p>
<p>Turnbull finished up after the news conference, although his program wasn’t completed – the Liberals said it was because the timetable had slipped.</p>
<p>The Turnbull-Scott appearance gave grist to Labor, which is already looking forward to Abbott campaigning in North Queensland with Nationals MP George Christensen, member for Dawson, on Thursday and Friday. Christensen is never far from controversy, whether it’s speaking at a Reclaim Australia rally or denouncing the Safe Schools program. So the dynamics will be interesting.</p>
<p>Christensen says Abbott will attend a “gee-up the troops” event for party members and supporters on Thursday, and then a “shed meeting and smoko” on a cane farm on Friday. He says Abbott is “greatly respected by a lot of the party rank and file, that’s for sure, and certainly by party supporters”.</p>
<p>Before he gets to Dawson, Abbott is in the Brisbane seat of Ryan, where he was invited by a branch. The seat’s MP, assistant minister Jane Prentice, who was a Turnbull backer in September, is fortuitously in Darwin.</p>
<p>Abbott’s general strategy appears to be to behave – however defined - during this eight week campaign. If Turnbull does poorly – is returned but with his majority much cut back - Abbott wouldn’t want any blame pinned to him. Rather, he’d want to be in a position to wield some clout.</p>
<p>Although the former prime minister has said he doesn’t see himself ever coming back as leader, some Liberal sources insist he believes one day he could, however unrealistic that might be.</p>
<p>What is much more realistic is that if Turnbull had only a narrow margin, Abbott and other conservatives in the party could exercise influence and make his life quite uncomfortable.</p>
<p>Turnbull is waiting for an election mandate so he can put more of his own stamp on his government. But if he lost a swag of seats he could face pressure over personnel and issues, outbreaks of ill-discipline and party room fights. A determined and powerful bunch of conservatives pushing their agenda would try his patience, never in massive supply, which could make for ratty leadership.</p>
<p>Bill Shorten misses no opportunity to say that when July 3 comes the Liberals will be back to infighting. Turnbull knows that unless he can retain a very solid majority and is seen to have done well, that is likely to be true.</p>
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It’s not like the dark cloud of Kevin Rudd over Julia Gillard in 2013 but Tony Abbott’s shadow is hovering over Malcolm Turnbull’s campaign. It was there ominously on Wednesday, when the Prime Minister…Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of CanberraLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/170322013-08-15T20:49:56Z2013-08-15T20:49:56ZShe’s got it: responses to Tony Abbott’s ‘sex appeal’ comments<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/29327/original/yp4dc2yk-1376548134.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">What do the various responses to Tony Abbott's 'sex appeal' comment say about the role of gender in politics?</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">AAP/Alan Porritt</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Since opposition leader Tony Abbott’s self-described “daggy dad” comments about Liberal candidate Fiona Scott’s sex appeal, gender issues have re-emerged in Australian politics. </p>
<p>Labor frontbenchers claim that these comments reveal what Abbott <a href="http://www.news.com.au/national-affairs/election-2013/im-just-a-daggy-dad-says-tony-abbott-over-sex-appeal-comment/story-fn9qr68y-1226696802846">“really thinks”</a> about women, and cite it as evidence that he is stuck in the past – “a 20th century man”. </p>
<p>But beyond their immediate use for point-scoring in the election campaign, responses to Abbott’s remarks reveal some of the complex and competing elements of how sexism is responded to in Australian social life.</p>
<h2>Response #1: Deny any problem</h2>
<p>The woman at the centre of the storm, Fiona Scott, has dismissed any concerns about Abbott’s reference to her “sex appeal”, calling it a <a href="http://www.dailytelegraph.com.au/newslocal/west/tony-abbott-announces-12-million-funding-pledge-in-penrith/story-fngr8i5s-1226696449760">“charming compliment”</a>. Former sex discrimination commissioner turned NSW state Liberal MP Pru Goward has also <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2013-08-13/tony-abbott-highlights-fellow-candidates-sex-appeal/4884346">downplayed its significance</a>, saying that “a lot of politicians are described as sexy”. So what’s the problem?</p>
<p>To be sure, the “sex appeal” comment is a far cry from some of Abbott’s earlier observations about gender, including his <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/4corners/content/2010/s2846485.htm">notorious claims</a> that women are physiologically less suited to leadership than men, and that abortion is <a href="http://www.tonyabbott.com.au/LatestNews/ArticleswrittenbyTony/tabid/87/articleType/ArticleView/articleId/3653/RATE-OF-ABORTION-HIGHLIGHTS-OUR-MORAL-FAILINGS.aspx">“the easy way out”</a>.</p>
<p>But this kind of thing does matter. It reinforces views about gender that are detrimental to women in politics and public life. Women in politics get a short term boost to their <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/14616700220145614#.Ugxhq23ODbw">likeability and “relatability”</a> from being seen to be “a good sport”, but this often comes at a cost to their perceived credibility. It also perpetuates long-standing gender stereotypes that relegate women to primary roles as decorative and attractive helpmates to the real protagonists: naturally assumed to be men.</p>
<h2>Response #2: Ignore it and move on</h2>
<p>The initial response from Labor was to play a straight bat, with Labor HQ <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/federal-election-2013/another-day-another-abbott-soundbite-for-the-ages-20130813-2ruld.html">issuing a statement</a> that “Mr Abbott’s comments are entirely a matter for Mr Abbott”. </p>
<p>Although the remark has since been condemned by several senior Labor figures, including prime minister Kevin Rudd, Anthony Albanese, Kim Carr and Penny Wong, ALP frontbencher Kate Ellis reflects the caution of many women about calling out sexism. Ellis <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/federal-election-2013/another-day-another-abbott-soundbite-for-the-ages-20130813-2ruld.html">reportedly declined</a> to comment on the sexism allegation, <a href="https://twitter.com/KateEllisMP/status/367173778008051713">tweeting</a> that she had heard “loud and clear” the message that voters “want focus on THEIR issues”. </p>
<p>This apparent wariness about being “derailed” by sexism reflects a reality in which women are often penalised for calling out instances of sexism experienced or witnessed by them. Researchers have found that women who make complaints of sexism are often <a href="http://pwq.sagepub.com/content/28/3/215.short">seen as unlikeable troublemakers</a>, especially <a href="http://link.springer.com/article/10.1023/A:1014866915741">by men</a>. </p>
<p>One of the reasons that former prime minister Julia Gillard’s <a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SOPsxpMzYw4">misogyny speech</a> was greeted with such excitement was that it seemed to open more possibilities for women to speak out about sexism <a href="http://thehoopla.com.au/dear-misogynist/">in their own lives</a>. Reluctance of public figures to speak out against sexist remarks, as understandable and strategic as it may be, creates a climate that makes it harder for women to protest instances of sexism in their workplaces and private lives.</p>
<h2>Response #3: Try a gender reversal</h2>
<p>Another minimising response to sexism is to suggest that men experience sexism too, or that they wouldn’t mind if they did. Witness Liberal MP <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/federal-election-2013/kevin-rudd-attacks-tony-abbott-over-sex-appeal-comments-20130814-2rv7n.html">Christopher Pyne’s</a> “wish [that] people would describe [him] as having sex appeal”, or Amanda Vanstone’s <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/federal-election-2013/mark-latham-gaffe-over-tony-abbott-sex-appeal-comment-20130814-2rx8e.html">claim</a> that women frequently comment on how “nicely men are packed”. </p>
<p>This simplistic gender reversal analysis fails to take into account that comments about appearance and desirability are made in a social context that emphasises the centrality of these attributes to women’s identity. Women <a href="http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1997.tb00108.x/abstract">are objectified</a> - seen as objects to be judged in terms of beauty and desirability - to a far greater extent than men, and with more far-reaching consequences. </p>
<p>Comments such as Abbott’s legitimise this kind of attention in a sphere where it is entirely unwarranted. </p>
<h2>Response #4: Accuse others of (wilful) misunderstanding</h2>
<p>Finally, a frequent response to allegations of sexism is to suggest that those who are offended have simply misunderstood, misinterpreted, or over-reacted to the speaker’s true intention. For example, many senior figures in the Liberal party have rushed to defend Abbott, stating that his comments were “largely in jest”, “clearly light-hearted”, and “not offensive”. Former prime minister John Howard has weighed in to <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/federal-election-2013/kevin-rudd-attacks-tony-abbott-over-sex-appeal-comments-20130814-2rv7n.html">suggest</a> that “the reaction of some people who tut-tutted about it is out of proportion and ridiculous”.</p>
<p>It seems fair to assume that Abbott did not intend to demean Scott. She is, after all, a candidate from his own party, and he was attending the event to extol her virtues. The remark has many similarities to US president Barack Obama’s <a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/kamala-harris-compliment-that-leaves-barack-obama-eager-to-shake-off-sexism-tag-8563583.html">“endorsement”</a> of Kamala Harris as “by far, the best looking attorney-general”. </p>
<p>But intention is not the key issue. These kinds of comments have serious consequences for both the individual woman involved and for women in public life more generally. Pervasive gender stereotypes mean that women are <a href="http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.2044-8309.2012.02114.x/full">already fighting a battle</a> to be seen as potential leaders, and comments about traditionally feminine attributes, such as sex appeal, reduce the perceived competence and suitability of women for public office. </p>
<p>While president Obama later apologised for his remarks, Tony Abbott brushed off his comment as a harmless over-exuberant “daggy dad moment”. </p>
<p>Another word for “dad” is “patriarch”.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/17032/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Ngaire Donaghue does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Since opposition leader Tony Abbott’s self-described “daggy dad” comments about Liberal candidate Fiona Scott’s sex appeal, gender issues have re-emerged in Australian politics. Labor frontbenchers claim…Ngaire Donaghue, Associate Professor in Social Psychology, Murdoch UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.