There are fears that Russia might try to compensate for its poor performance in Ukraine by upping its meddling in neighbouring countries.
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Articles on Kremlin
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Stalin, who died on March 5, 1953, was partially rehabilitated in the decades that followed. These days, he is in some respects a source of inspiration for Vladimir Putin.
Pavlovsky became the ultimate insider – until he fell out with the boss he had helped make all-powerful.
The Wagner Group has become a tool to further Russian objectives in Africa without attracting the scrutiny that regular military units would.
Russia appears to have refocused on the land war with the aim of taking more territory.
The audio version of a long form article on the history of the CIA and its relationship with Russia.
Public approval of the war has declined significantly, but the president himself appears safe, for the time being.
There are now definite signs his grip on power is starting to fray, even if Putin’s demise may still be some way off.
The Kremlin claims 97% of votes counted are for the four occupied regions to join the Russian Federation.
Vladmir Putin has a new problem. His invasion of Ukraine is not just bogged down. It’s going backwards.
There’s no question the Russian population is subject to a Russian media largely loyal to the Kremlin. But that doesn’t mean Vladimir Putin lacks genuine supporters.
For over a decade, Putin has been systematically destroying Gorbachev’s historic achievements.
Democratic nation-states were supposed to be the legitimate successors of empires. It hasn’t quite worked out that way in the past century, and Russia’s war on Ukraine is a reflection of that.
New research shows that at least half of Canadians have encountered pro-Kremlin propaganda online and that those who hold left-leaning views are less susceptible to the Kremlin’s disinformation.
The West’s new approach to Russia – bar it from international organizations, restrict international trade, prevent further military moves – looks just like how it treated Russia in the 20th century.
When it comes to war crimes in Ukraine, the Kremlin is intimately following the Syrian playbook. To prevent further atrocities, leaders must now draw the lessons from the conflict in Western Asia.
Did Russian intelligence mislead Putin about Ukraine’s capabilities or did they just tell him what he wanted to hear?
Russia is cracking down on freedom of speech and media. But other factors, like outside online information, could make it difficult to control war propaganda - and block out other information.
The Kremlin is pushing for a quick migration of all Russian websites and services to be hosted within the country. It could be the first stage of a larger disconnection effort.
The Russian president has already shown he will come down hard on domestic opposition to the war in Ukraine.
Top contributors
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Professor of Political Science, Indiana University
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Associate Professor of History, College of the Holy Cross
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Professor of International Security, University of Birmingham
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Professor of History and Political Science, University of Michigan
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Associate Professor, The University of Melbourne
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Fellow, Strategic and Defence Studies Centre, Australian National University
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Associate Professor of Russian Politics, UCL
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Professor and Senior Scholar, Philip Merrill College of Journalism, University of Maryland
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Lecturer (Assistant Professor) in Russian and Post-Soviet Politics, University of Bath
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Professor of International Relations, National University Odesa Law Academy
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Professor Of Russian Studies, University of Manchester
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Lecturer in Journalism and Digital Media, Department of Journalism Studies, University of Sheffield
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Instructional Associate Professor of International Relations, Texas A&M University
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Director, Center for Global Studies, Penn State
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S.J.D. student at Koguan Law School, Shanghai Jiao Tong University
