tag:theconversation.com,2011:/us/topics/navy-8477/articlesNavy – The Conversation2023-11-20T06:46:09Ztag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2181162023-11-20T06:46:09Z2023-11-20T06:46:09ZWhat is a sonar pulse and how can it injure humans under water?<p>Over the weekend, the Australian government revealed that last Tuesday its navy divers had sustained “minor injuries”, likely due to sonar pulses from a Chinese navy vessel.</p>
<p>The divers had been clearing fishing nets from the propellers of HMAS Toowoomba while in international waters off the coast of Japan. According to <a href="https://www.minister.defence.gov.au/media-releases/2023-11-18/unsafe-and-unprofessional-interaction-pla-n">a statement from deputy prime minister Richard Marles</a>, despite HMAS Toowoomba communicating with internationally recognised signals, the Chinese vessel approached the Australian ship and turned on its sonar, forcing the Australian divers to exit the water.</p>
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<p>The incident prompted a response from the Australian government, who labelled the incident “unsafe and unprofessional”. But what exactly is a sonar pulse, and what kinds of injuries can sonar cause to divers?</p>
<h2>What is sonar?</h2>
<p>Light doesn’t travel well under water – even in clear waters, you can see perhaps some tens of metres. Sound, however, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97540-1_6">travels very well</a> and far under water. This is because water is much denser than air, and so <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97540-1_4">can respond faster</a> and better to <a href="https://oceanexplorer.noaa.gov/explorations/sound01/background/acoustics/acoustics.html">acoustic pressure waves</a> – sound waves.</p>
<p>Because of these properties, ships use sonar to navigate through the ocean and to “see” under water. The word “sonar” stands for sound navigation and ranging.</p>
<p>Sonar equipment sends out short acoustic (sound) pulses or pings, and then analyses the echoes. Depending on the timing, amplitude, phase and direction of the echoes the equipment receives, you can tell what’s under water – the seafloor, canyon walls, coral, fishes, and of course ships and submarines.</p>
<p>Most vessels – from small, private boats to large commercial tankers – use sonar. However, compared to your off-the-shelf sonar used for finding fish, navy sonars are stronger.</p>
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<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/560313/original/file-20231120-18-pkot7g.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="A screen labelled 'echo sounder' with a heat map" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/560313/original/file-20231120-18-pkot7g.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/560313/original/file-20231120-18-pkot7g.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/560313/original/file-20231120-18-pkot7g.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/560313/original/file-20231120-18-pkot7g.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=450&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/560313/original/file-20231120-18-pkot7g.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/560313/original/file-20231120-18-pkot7g.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/560313/original/file-20231120-18-pkot7g.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=566&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
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<span class="caption">An echo sounder on a boat uses sound waves to help gauge the depth of the water.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/view-echo-sounder-on-board-marine-1017607606">mark_vyz/Shutterstock</a></span>
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<h2>What are the effects of sonar on divers?</h2>
<p>This is a difficult topic to study, because you don’t want to deliberately expose humans to harmful levels of sound. There are, however, anecdotes from <a href="https://doi.org/10.1121/1.3280165">various navies</a> and accidental exposures. There have <a href="http://resource.npl.co.uk/docs/science_technology/acoustics/clubs_groups/13oct05_seminar/parvin_subacoustech.pdf">also been studies</a> on what humans can hear under water, with or without neoprene suits, hoods, or helmets. </p>
<p>We don’t hear well under water – no surprise, since we’ve evolved to live on land. Having said that, <a href="https://apps.dtic.mil/sti/tr/pdf/ADA407482.pdf">you would hear</a> a sonar sound under water (a mid-to-high pitch noise) and would know you’ve been exposed.</p>
<p>When it comes to <a href="https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/11732884/">naval sonars</a>, human divers have rated the sound as “unpleasant to severe” at levels of roughly 150dB re 1 µPa (decibel relative to a reference pressure of one micropascal, <a href="https://dosits.org/decision-makers/units-page-for-regulators/">the standard reference for underwater sound</a>). This would be perhaps, very roughly, 10km away from a military sonar. Note that we can’t compare sound exposure under water to what we’d receive through the air, because there are too many physical differences between the two.</p>
<p>Human tolerance limits are roughly 180dB re 1 µPa, which would be around 500m from military sonar. At such levels, humans might experience dizziness, disorientation, <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Jonathan-Clark-10/publication/12672627_Noise-induced_neurologic_disturbances_in_divers_exposed_to_intense_water-borne_sound_Two_case_reports/links/578e8b7108ae9754b7e9f1c8/Noise-induced-neurologic-disturbances-in-divers-exposed-to-intense-water-borne-sound-Two-case-reports.pdf">temporary memory and concentration impacts</a>, or temporary <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s00405-009-1039-z">hearing loss</a>. We don’t have information on what levels the Australian divers were exposed to, but their injuries were described as minor.</p>
<p>At higher received levels, closer ranges, or longer exposures, you might see more severe physiological or health impacts. In extreme cases, in particular for impulsive, sudden sound (which sonar is not), sound <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97540-1_13">can cause damage</a> to tissues and organs.</p>
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<h2>What does sonar do to marine animals?</h2>
<p>Some of the information on what noise might do to humans under water comes from <a href="https://doi.org/10.1111/1365-2664.12955">studies and observations of animals</a>.</p>
<p>While they typically don’t have outer ears (except for <a href="https://www.britannica.com/story/whats-the-difference-between-seals-and-sea-lions">sea lions</a>), marine mammals have inner ears that function similarly to ours. They can receive hearing damage from noise, <a href="https://doi.org/10.1578/AM.45.2.2019.125">just like we do</a>. This might be temporary, like the ringing ears or reduced sensitivity you might experience after a loud concert, or it can be permanent. </p>
<p>Marine mammals living in a dark ocean rely on sound and hearing to a greater extent than your average human. They use sound to navigate, hunt, communicate with each other and to find mates. Toothed whales and dolphins have evolved a biological echo sounder or biosonar, which sends out series of clicks and listens for echoes. So, interfering with their sounds or impacting their hearing <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4939-8574-6_10">can disrupt critical behaviours</a>.</p>
<p>Finally, sound may also impact non-mammalian fauna, such as fishes, which <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-06659-2">rely on acoustics</a> rather than vision for many of their life functions.</p>
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<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Christine Erbe receives funding from offshore oil and gas companies, the US Office of Naval Research, and the Western Australian Marine Science Institution. </span></em></p>Australian navy divers have suffered minor injuries from a sonar pulse by a Chinese navy vessel. Here’s what that means and how underwater sound can hurt divers.Christine Erbe, Director, Centre for Marine Science & Technology, Curtin UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2143932023-09-29T12:31:48Z2023-09-29T12:31:48ZSouth Africa has one of the strongest navies in Africa: its strengths and weaknesses<p><em>The deaths of three members of the South African Navy (<a href="http://www.navy.mil.za/Pages/Home.aspx">SA Navy</a>) <a href="http://www.dod.mil.za/media/statements/Pages/SANavyIncidentKommetjie.aspx">on 20 September 2023</a>, when a freak wave swept them off the deck of the submarine SAS Manthatisi, has put the spotlight on the organisation and its work. André Wessels is a military historian; his latest <a href="https://naledi.co.za/product/a-century-of-south-african-naval-history/">book</a> is A Century of South African Naval History: The South African Navy and its Predecessors 1922-2022. The Conversation Africa asked him for insights.</em></p>
<h2>How big is South Africa’s navy? How does it compare?</h2>
<p>The South African Navy has always been one of the strongest naval forces in sub-Saharan Africa. </p>
<p>Egypt has the <a href="https://naledi.co.za/product/a-century-of-south-african-naval-history/">strongest navy in Africa</a>, and Algeria is the second strongest as it has been steadily building <a href="https://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/algeria/navy-modernization.htm">up its</a> naval forces. The Moroccan navy is also strong, as is the Nigerian navy, which has acquired <a href="https://www.defenceweb.co.za/featured/nigerian-navy-commissions-large-number-of-new-vessels/">a large number of naval vessels</a>, mostly patrol ships and smaller patrol craft. </p>
<p>Thanks to its submarine capabilities, the SA Navy can be regarded as one of the strongest on the continent. However, with its present ten “major” warships, the SA Navy is not in the same league as, for example, Brazil (about 100 ships), Russia (550), India (250) and China (600).</p>
<p>According to <a href="https://www.defenceweb.co.za/featured/only-one-of-sa-navys-four-frigates-operational-no-submarines-serviceable/">sources</a> that are in the public domain, the SA Navy at the moment has three submarines, four frigates, one multi-mission inshore patrol vessel (with another to be commissioned in the near future, and a third under construction), one survey ship (with a new one under construction), one combat support ship, and a number of smaller craft (most of them in reserve). In terms of its number of warships, this is the smallest that the navy has been since the mid-1950s.</p>
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<p>Severe financial restrictions have put its capabilities under strain. For example, it has had to curtail anti-piracy patrols (<a href="https://www.defenceweb.co.za/featured/operation-copper-extension-to-cost-r154-million/">“Operation Copper”</a>) in the Mozambique Channel due to the unavailability of ships.</p>
<h2>Can it protect the country’s territorial waters?</h2>
<p>Submarines provide South Africa with a crucial deterrent potential. And the navy can also do patrol work with its surface vessels (if they are able to go to sea). But it has a limited anti-submarine warfare capability, and is not able to project much power across long distances. </p>
<p>The government needs to gradually increase defence spending from the present less than 1% of GDP to at least 1.8%, which is what countries globally on average spend on defence. That will enable the navy to increase training opportunities, send more ships out to sea, and perhaps even acquire much-needed larger offshore patrol vessels.</p>
<p>South Africa is a maritime state, given that all its borders are on the ocean bar its northern one. The country needs a small but well-equipped navy that can defend it, underpin its diplomatic efforts, and assist other state departments in various ways.</p>
<h2>What’s its role?</h2>
<p>Geographically South Africa is a large <a href="https://education.nationalgeographic.org/resource/peninsula/">peninsula</a> on the strategic Cape sea route. Some <a href="https://sanavymuseum.co.za/2022/03/30/the-south-african-navy-a-very-brief-history/">90% of its trade</a> flows through its harbours. The navy must assist in ensuring the integrity of the country as an independent state, by patrolling its territorial waters and acting as a deterrent against foreign military aggression and maritime crime. Its <a href="https://sanavymuseum.co.za/2022/03/30/the-south-african-navy-a-very-brief-history/#:%7E:text=In%20accordance%20with%20the%20SA,well%2Dtrained%20and%20disciplined%20navy.">core business</a> is “to fight at sea”, with its official mission “to win at sea”. Its <a href="https://sanavymuseum.co.za/2022/03/30/the-south-african-navy-a-very-brief-history/#:%7E:text=In%20accordance%20with%20the%20SA,well%2Dtrained%20and%20disciplined%20navy.">vision</a> is</p>
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<p>The navy can also play a role in humanitarian relief operations, search-and-rescue operations and <a href="https://journals.co.za/doi/pdf/10.10520/EJC146027">peace support operations</a>. </p>
<p>In the course of its history, the SA Navy has performed these and many other tasks. For example, in 1993 it facilitated the <a href="https://giftofthegivers.org/disaster-response/bosnia/726/">sending of a mobile hospital and relief supplies</a> to Bosnia-Herzegovina, by <a href="https://giftofthegivers.org/">Gift of the Givers</a>, the disaster response NGO. The navy has also helped provide food and medical aid to countries ravaged by conflict or drought, for example when the combat support ship SAS Drakensberg took supplies to Bangladesh <a href="https://journals.co.za/doi/pdf/10.10520/EJC146027">in 1991</a>. The navy has also <a href="https://www.news24.com/news24/final-voyage-for-veteran-ship-20011010">rescued the crew members</a> of many yachts that have been caught in storms or were in need of other assistance off the South African coast and elsewhere, for example during the 2014 Cape-to-Rio Transatlantic Yacht Race. </p>
<p>The navy is also responsible for hydrographic survey work along the South African coast. It maps the ocean floor so that reliable charts can be drawn up, making it safe for merchant and other ships to sail along the coast and visit ports. </p>
<p>In addition, the navy has an important diplomatic role in sending warships (<a href="https://journals.co.za/doi/pdf/10.10520/EJC146027">“grey diplomats”</a>) on flag-showing visits to other countries. </p>
<p>But under <a href="https://www.defenceweb.co.za/featured/only-one-of-sa-navys-four-frigates-operational-no-submarines-serviceable/">financial constraints</a>, the navy has been hard-pressed to fulfil its obligations. For example, it has for several years not been able to take part in flag-showing visits to other countries because of the unavailability of ships. In general, less time has also been spent at sea. </p>
<h2>What is the history of the SA Navy?</h2>
<p>The navy can trace its history back to <a href="https://naledi.co.za/product/a-century-of-south-african-naval-history/">1 April 1922</a>, when the SA Naval Service was established. This became the Seaward Defence Force in 1939 when the <a href="https://www.britannica.com/event/World-War-II">Second World War</a> broke out, and the SA Naval Forces in 1942. It played a <a href="https://sanavymuseum.co.za/2022/03/30/the-south-african-navy-a-very-brief-history/">small but important role</a> in the Allied war effort against Nazi Germany, patrolling the South African coastal waters. It also sent warships to the Mediterranean and Far Eastern war zones.</p>
<p>On 1 January 1951, the Naval Forces were renamed the SA Navy. In accordance with the <a href="https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1057/9780230376366_5">Simon’s Town Agreement</a> (1955), the navy <a href="https://sanavymuseum.co.za/2022/03/30/the-south-african-navy-a-very-brief-history/">acquired</a> the Simon’s Town Naval Base from Britain (1957), and was strengthened by the acquisition of a number of destroyers, frigates, patrol boats and minesweepers, and later also a replenishment ship (1967) and three submarines (1970-1971). </p>
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<p>But by then, the ruling National Party’s apartheid policy had led to South Africa’s growing international isolation. The United Nations’ <a href="https://www.sipri.org/databases/embargoes/un_arms_embargoes/south_africa/un-arms-embargo-on-south-africa">mandatory arms embargo</a> against the country (1977) had obvious detrimental consequences for the then South African Defence Force (SADF), and in particular the navy. For example, it did not receive the submarines and frigates that it had ordered from France.</p>
<p>In the meantime, the navy <a href="https://journals.co.za/doi/pdf/10.10520/EJC146027#page=5">assisted the other arms of the defence force</a>, in particular the SA Army’s Special Forces, during the <a href="https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/namibian-struggle-independence-1966-1990-historical-background">Namibian war of independence</a>, which spilled over into Angola. The navy’s submarines and strike craft, as well as other ships, assisted the South African Special Forces <a href="https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP90-00965R000302080013-8.pdf">in operations</a> “behind enemy lines”.</p>
<p>The end of this conflict in 1989, and of the <a href="https://www.britannica.com/question/How-did-apartheid-end">freedom struggle in South Africa in 1994</a>, led to a new dawn. On the <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/45346383?seq=4">eve of the 1994 elections</a> the SADF was renamed the SA National Defence Force (SANDF). </p>
<p>In due course the navy was transformed into a navy of and for all the people of South Africa. All cultural groups, as well as an increasing number of women, would henceforth be represented in the navy.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/214393/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>André Wessels in the years c 2012-2017 received funding from the NRF, but at the moment no longer receives any funds from the NRF. </span></em></p>South Africa is a large peninsula on the strategic Cape sea route. Some 90% of its trade flows through its harbours. The navy defends the country’s sovereignty and national interests.André Wessels, Senior Professor (Emeritus) and Research Fellow, Department of History, University of the Free StateLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/2104352023-07-27T18:18:33Z2023-07-27T18:18:33ZWhistleblower calls for government transparency as Congress digs for the truth about UFOs<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/539676/original/file-20230727-29-h44roy.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=44%2C35%2C5845%2C3884&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">A congressional subcommittee on unidentified anomalous phenomena met to hear testimony from military officers. </span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/photo/the-u-s-capitol-building-royalty-free-image/1409850965?phrase=congress">Sarah Silbiger/Bloomberg via Getty Images</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>A <a href="https://oversight.house.gov/subcommittee/national-security/">congressional subcommittee</a> <a href="https://www.c-span.org/video/?529499-1/hearing-unidentified-anomalous-phenomena-uap">met on July 26, 2023, to hear testimony</a> from several military officers who allege the government is concealing evidence of UFOs. By holding a <a href="https://oversight.house.gov/hearing/unidentified-anomalous-phenomena-implications-on-national-security-public-safety-and-government-transparency/">hearing</a> on UFOs – <a href="https://www.latimes.com/politics/story/2023-07-24/congress-ufos-hearing-uap">now called</a> “unidentified anomalous phenomena” by government agencies – the subcommittee sought to understand whether these UAPs pose a threat to national security.</p>
<p>I’m an <a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=OrRLRQ4AAAAJ&hl=en">astronomer</a> who studies and has written about <a href="https://wwnorton.com/books/9780393343861">cosmology</a>, <a href="https://wwnorton.com/books/9780393357509">black holes</a>, <a href="https://www.penguinrandomhouse.com/books/718149/worlds-without-end-by-chris-impey/">exoplanets</a> and <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/living-cosmos/11D69005D09D25581AE4E6684EC8A3C1">life in the universe</a>. I’m also on the <a href="http://meti.org/en/advisors">advisory council</a> for an international group that strategizes how to communicate with an extraterrestrial civilization should the need ever arise.</p>
<p>While the hearings brought attention to UAPs and could lead to more reporting from people who work in the military and aviation, the testimonies did not produce evidence to fundamentally change the understanding of UAPs.</p>
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<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/539775/original/file-20230727-15-yzt55u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="A close-up shot of a blue striped suit and pink tie with a rectangular pin that has a UFO on it and the words 'I still want to believe'" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/539775/original/file-20230727-15-yzt55u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/539775/original/file-20230727-15-yzt55u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=338&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/539775/original/file-20230727-15-yzt55u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=338&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/539775/original/file-20230727-15-yzt55u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=338&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/539775/original/file-20230727-15-yzt55u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=424&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/539775/original/file-20230727-15-yzt55u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=424&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/539775/original/file-20230727-15-yzt55u.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=424&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
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<span class="caption">An audience member at the hearing wears an ‘X-Files’ UFO pin.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">AP Photo/Nathan Howard</span></span>
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<h2>UFO oversight so far</h2>
<p>The House subcommittee hearing follows a flurry of activity over the past few years. Public interest in UAPs surged in 2017 after three Navy videos were leaked and <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/12/16/us/politics/pentagon-program-ufo-harry-reid.html">The New York Times reported</a> on a shadowy UAP program run by the Pentagon. In <a href="https://theconversation.com/us-intelligence-report-on-ufos-no-aliens-but-government-transparency-and-desire-for-better-data-might-bring-science-to-the-ufo-world-163059">June 2021</a>, the Office of the Director of National Intelligence released a <a href="https://www.dni.gov/files/ODNI/documents/assessments/Prelimary-Assessment-UAP-20210625.pdf">report</a> on the phenomena. In November 2021, the Pentagon <a href="https://www.defense.gov/News/Releases/Release/Article/2853121/dod-announces-the-establishment-of-the-airborne-object-identification-and-manag/">formed a new group</a> to coordinate efforts to detect and identify objects in restricted airspace.</p>
<p>Then in May 2022, a House Intelligence subcommittee held the first congressional hearing in over half a century on military reports of UAPs. Little new light was shed on the true nature of the sightings, but the <a href="https://www.independent.co.uk/tech/ufo-senate-hearing-congress-live-pentagon-b2080711.html">officials tried to clarify the situation</a> by ruling things out.</p>
<p>While <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FYfxwBQL69A&t=4s">officials noted</a> 18 occasions in which aerial objects had moved at considerable speed without visible means of propulsion, nobody had found unexplained wreckage or records of the military having either received communications from or having fired shots at UAPs. As such, the subcommittee decided that there was not yet enough evidence to claim UAPs are extraterrestrial.</p>
<p>Most recently, <a href="https://www.nasa.gov/feature/nasa-to-set-up-independent-study-on-unidentified-aerial-phenomena/">NASA convened</a> a panel in June 2022, which held its first public hearing in May this year. The panel will help NASA advise intelligence agencies and the Department of Defense on how to evaluate mysterious sightings. The panel is considering <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2023/05/31/world/nasa-uap-study-public-meeting-scn/index.html">800 sightings</a> accumulated over 27 years, with <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2023/05/31/world/nasa-uap-study-public-meeting-scn/index.html">50 to 100 new reports</a> coming in each month. Sean Kirkpatrick from the Department of Defense said that <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2023/05/31/world/nasa-uap-study-public-meeting-scn/index.html">only 2% to 5% of these are anomalous</a>, and the meeting drew no firm conclusions.</p>
<p>Which brings us to this week’s hearing. Congress is <a href="https://oversight.house.gov/release/national-security-subcommittee-to-hold-hearing-on-unidentified-anomalous-phenomena">getting frustrated</a> with the lack of transparency over UAP sightings. So the subcommittee is using its <a href="https://oversight.house.gov/about/">overall charge</a> of oversight and accountability to get some answers.</p>
<h2>Eyebrow-raising testimony</h2>
<p>Three witnesses, all ex-military officers, gave <a href="https://oversight.house.gov/hearing/unidentified-anomalous-phenomena-implications-on-national-security-public-safety-and-government-transparency/">sworn testimony</a> to the subcommittee. </p>
<p>David Fravor was a commander in the U.S. Navy in 2004, stationed on the USS Nimitz, when he and another pilot <a href="https://www.cbsnews.com/news/navy-ufo-sighting-60-minutes-2021-05-16/">saw an object behaving inexplicably</a>. Video of the encounter was released by the Department of Defense in 2017 and publicized by <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/12/16/us/politics/unidentified-flying-object-navy.html">The New York Times</a>. </p>
<p><a href="https://oversight.house.gov/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/David-Fravor-Statement-for-House-Oversight-Committee.pdf">Fravor testified</a> that the technology he witnessed was far superior to anything human beings have. He described objects with no visible means of propulsion carrying out sudden maneuvers that no known technology could achieve.</p>
<p>“What concerns me is that there is no oversight from our elected officials on anything associated with our government possessing or working on craft that we believe are not of this world,” Fravor said. </p>
<p>The second witness, Ryan Graves, was an F-18 pilot for over a decade. While stationed at Virginia Beach in 2014, he says, UAP sightings were so frequent among his crew that they became part of daily briefs. <a href="https://oversight.house.gov/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/Ryan-HOC-Testimony.pdf">He recounted</a> a situation in which two jets had to take evasive action as they encountered a UAP. The description was striking – a dark gray cube inside a clear sphere – quite different from the classic “<a href="https://www.theguardian.com/lifeandstyle/2020/oct/13/is-the-flying-saucer-the-best-shape-for-a-spaceship">flying saucer</a>.”</p>
<p>Graves founded <a href="https://www.safeaerospace.org/">Americans for Safe Aerospace</a> to create a center of support and education for aircrew affected by UAP encounters. He testified that the group has 5,000 members and has taken information from 30 witnesses. Most are commercial pilots at major airlines. He alleged that all UAP videos since 2021 are classified by the Pentagon as secret or higher. Graves also said that only 5% of UAP sightings by military and commercial pilots are reported by the pilots that spot them. </p>
<p>“If everyone could see the sensor and video data that I have, there is no doubt that UAP would be a top priority for our defense, intelligence and scientific communities,” Graves said. </p>
<p>The real bombshell came from David Grusch, an Air Force intelligence officer who retired with the rank of major. His high level of security clearance meant he saw reports that were unknown to the public. He sought whistleblower protection after claiming that the U.S. government was <a href="https://thedebrief.org/intelligence-officials-say-u-s-has-retrieved-non-human-craft/">operating with secrecy</a> and above congressional oversight with regards to UAP – even claiming that crashed UAPs had yielded biological material of nonhuman origin. The <a href="https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/house-oversight-plans-ufo-hearing-after-unconfirmed-claims/story?id=99899883">Pentagon has denied</a> this claim. He also said he’d suffered retaliation after reporting this information to his superiors and to multiple inspectors general.</p>
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<figcaption><span class="caption">Grusch testifies that the U.S. government has recovered ‘nonhuman biologics.’</span></figcaption>
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<p>“I was informed, in the course of my official duties, of a multidecade UAP crash-retrieval and reverse-engineering program to which I was denied access,” Grusch said in <a href="https://oversight.house.gov/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/Dave_G_HOC_Speech_FINAL_For_Trans.pdf">his opening statement</a> to the subcommittee. The Pentagon has <a href="https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/house-oversight-plans-ufo-hearing-after-unconfirmed-claims/story?id=99899883">denied the existence of such a program</a> now or in the past. </p>
<h2>Calls for transparency</h2>
<p>While none of this testimony brought forward viable evidence of a broad government conspiracy, most UAP data is <a href="https://www.newsnationnow.com/space/ufo/pentagon-blocks-lawmakers-ufo-data-uap-hearing/">not made public</a> and is held by intelligence agencies or the Pentagon. Lawmakers from both parties called for more government transparency. When questioned, all three witnesses said that UAPs represented a clear threat to national security. </p>
<p>If these testimonies are truthful, UAPs of advanced technology – whether they originate from a foreign adversary or not – that make routine incursions into U.S. airspace are a cause for concern.</p>
<p>For now, the subcommittee will continue its work. A tangible outcome will probably be an <a href="https://oversight.house.gov/whistle/">anonymous reporting mechanism</a> to overcome the stigma commercial and military pilots feel when they witness a UAP. The push for government transparency will likely intensify, and subcommittee members hope to have a classified briefing to evaluate the claims made by Grusch.</p>
<p>As a scientist, I’m trained to be skeptical, and I know that <a href="http://www.ianridpath.com/ufo/astroufo1.html">most UFO sightings</a> <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-people-tend-to-believe-ufos-are-extraterrestrial-208403">have mundane explanations</a>. Visual evidence is also notoriously difficult to interpret, and even the dramatic Navy videos have been <a href="https://www.leonarddavid.com/debunking-navy-ufo-videos/">debunked</a>. More and better data will help resolve the issue, but the gold standard is physical evidence. If Grusch’s claims of crashed UAPs are ever verified, that will be the first UAP hearing with a truly dramatic outcome.</p>
<p><em>This article was updated on August 2, 2023 to correct the date of the Congressional hearing.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/210435/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Chris Impey receives funding from the National Science Foundation. </span></em></p>All who testified before a congressional subcommittee claimed that UFOs pose a threat to national security, though there’s still no public evidence that UFOs are extraterrestrial.Chris Impey, University Distinguished Professor of Astronomy, University of ArizonaLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1944982023-01-04T13:27:10Z2023-01-04T13:27:10ZThese are not your mother’s machines - the next generation of American manufacturing is high-tech, and skilled workers are needed to operate these advanced tools<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/500702/original/file-20221213-12651-5dike1.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">More skilled workers are needed to operate high-tech tools in factories.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/photo/process-audit-of-jig-and-fixture-for-assembly-line-royalty-free-image/1397903647?phrase=advanced%20manufacturing&adppopup=true">Getty Images</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>The U.S. Navy is beginning to <a href="https://www.nationaldefensemagazine.org/articles/2022/7/22/shipyards-building-two-submarine-classes-simultaneously">build 12 top-of-the-line nuclear submarines </a>, with the first one scheduled to be completed by 2027. But it is missing a critical ingredient: many of an estimated <a href="https://www.energy.gov/nnsa/missions/powering-navy">50,000 skilled workers</a> to get the job done. It also lacks a reliable supply chain and the infrastructure to build the massive vessels.</p>
<p>Across America, industries are facing enormous supply chain delays, worker shortages and places to build due to several decades of offshoring and deemphasizing manufacturing research, education and training in the U.S.</p>
<p>For example, the textile industry is <a href="https://www.designnews.com/automation/textile-companies-slammed-shortages-and-missing-labor">experiencing</a> a 20% worker shortage, and <a href="https://www.manufacturingtomorrow.com/story/2022/02/how-will-labor-shortages-impact-metal-fabrication-in-2022/18341/">the metal fabrication industry expects</a> a 400,000-worker shortage by 2024. The first decade of the 21st century alone saw <a href="https://www.oecd.org/unitedstates/us-manufacturing-decline-and-the-rise-of-new-production-innovation-paradigms.htm">U.S. manufacturing jobs decline</a> by one-third, falling from 17 million in 2000 to below 12 million in 2010. </p>
<p><a href="https://mtrc.utk.edu/tony-schmitz/">I am a manufacturing researcher</a> who works on ways to solve a key part of American manufacturing challenges: preparing workers to leverage today’s technology while advancing tomorrow’s technology. A new workforce skilled in the design and operation of new and existing machine tools is needed to ensure America has enough workers to fill jobs. </p>
<p>But these are not your mother’s machines. They are networked for improved reliability and data collection, programmable for automation, and can shape metal alloys and composite materials into critical products such as medical implants, turbines for airplane engines and molds for plastic bottles.</p>
<h2>From boom to bust</h2>
<p>Americans are used to having products and services one click away - a society often described as postindustrial and knowledge-based. But the supply chain issues of the pandemic revealed the dangers of U.S. reliance on foreign goods and materials – from <a href="https://news.wttw.com/2021/07/29/global-shortage-computer-chips-hits-us-manufacturing">computer chips</a> to <a href="https://www.autoserviceworld.com/the-great-supply-chain-transformation/">car parts</a>.</p>
<p>The U.S. once led the world in the production of machine tools, power-driven machines such as lathes, mills, and other equipment used for cutting, shaping and finishing. These form the basis for parts manufacturing to support the automotive, aerospace, defense, medical and consumer goods industries.</p>
<p>In 2021, however, China held a 31% market share of the production of machine tools, followed by Germany and Japan, both at 13%. <a href="https://vdw.de/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/pub_vdw-marktbericht_2021_2022-06-10_web.pdf">The U.S. was ranked fourth</a>, leading Italy by a narrow margin. Overall, Asian countries accounted for more than 50% of global machine tool production. <a href="https://www.mmsonline.com/articles/breaking-news-from-2021-world-machine-tool-survey">China’s production increased</a> by US$5 billion from 2020 to 2021, while the total U.S. production in 2021 was just $7.5 billion.</p>
<figure class="align-right ">
<img alt="a manufacturing tool cuts metal" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/500705/original/file-20221213-16085-u7oobq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/500705/original/file-20221213-16085-u7oobq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=396&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/500705/original/file-20221213-16085-u7oobq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=396&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/500705/original/file-20221213-16085-u7oobq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=396&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/500705/original/file-20221213-16085-u7oobq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=498&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/500705/original/file-20221213-16085-u7oobq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=498&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/500705/original/file-20221213-16085-u7oobq.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=498&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Manufacturing tools are getting more sophisticated and require a greater educational emphasis.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/photo/industrial-metalworking-cutting-process-by-milling-royalty-free-image/1198047147?phrase=advanced%20manufacturing&adppopup=true">Getty Images</a></span>
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<p>But the availability of equipment is only half of the equation. Workers need an education and to be trained in the latest manufacturing tools and technologies.</p>
<p>For example, machining is a process where a stationary powered tool is used to precisely cut, shape or remove material from an object. Because the cutting edge and part being cut are not rigid, the force can cause unwanted vibration. This requires an understanding of the relationship between the operating parameters for the machine and the vibration behavior of the cutting edge and part. </p>
<p>Effectively operating this sort of equipment <a href="https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-319-76084-1">requires knowledge</a> of topics such as math, geometry and physics. Educational opportunities for manufacturing careers are available at many community colleges, technical schools and universities. Once trained, skilled workers can get jobs as machine operators, programmers, data scientists, manufacturing engineers, machine designers and entrepreneurs. </p>
<p>To grow the skilled manufacturing force, the creation of a more <a href="https://www.industrialheating.com/articles/96633-skilled-workforce-the-top-priority-for-us-manufacturing">robust K-12 education system</a> that emphasizes STEM subjects – science, technology, engineering and math – while simultaneously providing vocational programs and apprenticeships for all students is important. </p>
<p>But U.S. STEM education lags many other countries. Out of 37 Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries, <a href="https://ncses.nsf.gov/pubs/nsb20211/executive-summary">the U.S. ranks</a> seventh in science and 25th in mathematics literacy, falling behind countries such as Japan, South Korea, Estonia and the Netherlands. </p>
<h2>Training efforts underway</h2>
<p>Yet there are attempts to ready workers through several initiatives. Organizations such as <a href="https://www.asme.org/">The American Society of Mechanical Engineers (ASME)</a>, <a href="http://stemforallfoundation.com/">STEM For All Foundation</a> and <a href="https://nextwavestem.com/">Next Wave STEM </a> aim to provide equitable access to STEM education programs to students of all backgrounds in order to build a new generation of skilled workers. </p>
<p>I am involved with <a href="https://www.americascuttingedge.org/">America’s Cutting Edge</a>, a national initiative for machine tool technology development and advancement that is supported by the Department of Defense Industrial Base Analysis and Sustainment Program from the Office of Industrial Policy. America’s Cutting Edge offers no-cost online and in-person training in machining and measurement. In the one-week machining boot camp, participants learn to program and operate computer-controlled machine tools while producing the components for an oscillating piston air engine, which mimics the operation of the combustion engine in cars.</p>
<p>Participants learn about how variation in the dimension of a part, known as tolerances, affect the assembly of parts into a system. They also learn about the relationship between machining vibrations and operating parameters. America’s Cutting Edge has provided online training to over 3,500 people in all 50 states and has expanded from Tennessee to Texas, North Carolina, West Virginia and Florida for the in-person machining boot camps with plans for a national presence. While the boot camp cannot replace a traditional apprenticeship or education program, it does provide participants with exposure to key machining concepts and empowers them to decide about the next step in their education and career journey.</p>
<p>To populate these and other programs, I believe recruiting efforts must extend from grade, middle, and high school students to parents to two- and four-year educational institutions. </p>
<p>The Navy, and manufacturing in general, is in a war for talent. It is necessary to fill the talent pipelines across this entire spectrum. If we do not act now, the U.S. national defense and economy will be compromised.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/194498/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Tony Schmitz receives funding from the US Department of Defense. </span></em></p>US workers are not skilled enough to meet the next generation of manufacturing. But some efforts are underway to train them.Tony Schmitz, Professor of Mechanical, Aerospace and Biomedical Engineering, University of TennesseeLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1775242022-02-20T05:07:24Z2022-02-20T05:07:24ZExplainer: what was the Chinese laser attack about and why does it matter?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/447396/original/file-20220220-93851-sfwari.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">A Chinese PLA-N guided missile frigate prepares to dock in Manila in 2019.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">AAP/AP/Bullit Marquez</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Just after midnight last Thursday, a transiting Chinese People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLA-N) vessel shone a military-grade laser at an Australian air force plane conducting coastal maritime surveillance. </p>
<p>This did not happen in the South China Sea near China’s coastline, but rather in the Arafura Sea, within Australia’s exclusive economic zone off the north coast of the country. From what we can ascertain, this is the closest an attempt at military intimidation by China has gotten to our shores.</p>
<p>The Chinese vessel has since steamed through the Torres Strait at the northern tip of Queensland accompanied by another PLA-N ship, heading towards the Coral Sea off the Great Barrier Reef. </p>
<p>They may be intending to monitor upcoming Australian military exercises off the Queensland coast, which is a legitimate act as long as the ships stay outside Australia’s territorial waters, which stretch 12 nautical miles from the coast. </p>
<p>The laser pointing, though, was not a legitimate or appropriate act. </p>
<p>The Department of Defence condemned “the unprofessional and unsafe military conduct” by the Chinese ship. This was quickly followed up by Prime Minister Scott Morrison <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-02-19/defence-accuses-chinese-warship-of-dangerous-act-laser-shone/100845702">declaring</a> the incident an “act of intimidation” that put military lives at risk. Defence Minister Peter Dutton labelled it an “<a href="https://www.theaustralian.com.au/breaking-news/defence-minister-peter-dutton-slams-china-for-bullying-after-navy-ship-directed-laser-at-australian-aircraft/news-story/105b640558d3ce153e0e89891dbfb05e">aggressive, bullying act</a>”. </p>
<p>In seeking to put this in context, it’s important to understand what a laser attack is, what these lasers are used for, and how dangerous they are. We also need to consider the possible reasons China would engage in such an act.</p>
<h2>What are laser attacks?</h2>
<p>All modern warships are equipped with lasers. These are used largely to determine the firing range and designate a target immediately before discharging a weapon. It is routinely practiced against dummy targets. </p>
<p>It is considered dangerous for at least two reasons. Pointing a laser is often referred to as “painting a target” before firing live munitions, such as artillery shells, machine guns or missiles. It is widely seen as a hostile act, just short of crossing the threshold of open conflict or war. </p>
<p>This is because laser pointing is separated from firing a missile with hostile intent by a mere split second. This can be a nerve-wracking experience for those subjected to such beams. </p>
<p>In addition, laser beams themselves are dangerous because they can cause permanent blindness if shone into someone’s eyes, as well as damage to important navigational and other related systems critical to air safety. </p>
<p>Laser pointers were popular in schools for a while until the potential for harm was recognised. These lasers are exponentially more powerful and harmful.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/447395/original/file-20220220-49895-ceym5d.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/447395/original/file-20220220-49895-ceym5d.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/447395/original/file-20220220-49895-ceym5d.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/447395/original/file-20220220-49895-ceym5d.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/447395/original/file-20220220-49895-ceym5d.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/447395/original/file-20220220-49895-ceym5d.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/447395/original/file-20220220-49895-ceym5d.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">The Chinese laser was aimed at a RAAF P-8A Poseidon aircraft similar to this one.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.airforce.gov.au/technology/aircraft/intelligence-surveillance-and-reconnaissance/p-8a-poseidon">Royal Australian Air Force</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>So, why would China do this?</h2>
<p>Naval vessels operating in the contested waters of the South China Sea are frequently confronted by PLA-N, Chinese Coast Guard and Chinese militia vessels. </p>
<p>And these Chinese vessels have been engaging in this kind of behaviour for some time <a href="https://abcnews.go.com/International/wireStory/australia-china-warship-fired-laser-patrol-plane-82997764">against Australian, US and other aircraft</a>.</p>
<p>This kind of assertive and adversarial behaviour is not what is normally expected in uncontested waters closer to Australia – or within any nation’s exclusive economic zone. This is also not a tactic known to have been used by Australia against other nations’ naval vessels, particularly not close to or within China’s exclusive economic zone. So, this seems to be an escalation.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/does-the-us-have-the-right-to-sail-warships-through-the-south-china-sea-and-can-china-stop-them-166742">Does the US have the right to sail warships through the South China Sea? And can China stop them?</a>
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<p>China may be seeking to send a message to Canberra that its naval patrols in the South China Sea are not welcome. The US Navy also engages in these patrols – calling them Freedom of Navigation Operations, or FONOPS – as do other nations such as Japan, the UK and France. </p>
<p>China sees these FONOPS as provocative, given it claims nearly the entirety of the South China Sea contained within the so-called “nine dash line”. The Permanent Court of Arbitration at The Hague dismissed China’s maritime claims in 2016 and upheld the application of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), but China wants to re-write the rules regardless.</p>
<h2>How should Australia respond?</h2>
<p>There are two obvious deductions to make from the events over the past few days. First, China is ratcheting up its pressure on Australia. Second, Australian politicians remain prepared, eager even, to use heightened tensions with China to draw attention to themselves in the lead-up to the election. </p>
<p>With the stakes rising, and an election looming, there is a need for issues like this to be handled firmly, but delicately. We must avoid making undue concessions to China’s adversarial tactics, while also seeking to avoid escalation and politicisation of an issue of significant importance to the future security and stability of the region.</p>
<p>In considering how best to manage this in the future, Australian diplomats should be looking to enlist the support of nations in the region, such as the member states of ASEAN, our Quad partners (India, Japan and the US) and beyond. </p>
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<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/explainer-why-is-the-south-china-sea-such-a-hotly-contested-region-143435">Explainer: why is the South China Sea such a hotly contested region?</a>
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<p>There is strength in solidarity. China is testing to see what limits it can reach while demonstrably avoiding crossing the threshold with an act of war. </p>
<p>Beijing knows that openly provoking conflict will have major repercussions for the country’s reputation and image. It also doesn’t want to damage its attempts to undermine American and US-aligned security policies supportive of the Court of Arbitration ruling on the South China Sea. </p>
<p>Australia’s actions have an effect on the region. Our neighbours in Southeast Asia and the Pacific will be watching closely to see where the limits of our tolerance lie and how far we are willing to push back against Chinese assertiveness – without crossing the threshold of open conflict, as well.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/177524/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>John Blaxland does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Laser pointing is separated from firing a missile with hostile intent by a mere split second – this is what makes such an action so dangerous.John Blaxland, Professor, Strategic and Defence Studies Centre, Australian National UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1683742021-09-23T02:38:30Z2021-09-23T02:38:30ZAfter AUKUS, Russia sees a potential threat — and an opportunity to market its own submarines<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/422798/original/file-20210923-23-1889tqd.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=190%2C33%2C2660%2C2052&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Alexei Druzhinin/AP</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>The global opinions on the new AUKUS security pact between Australia, the US and the UK have been decidedly mixed. China and France immediately blasted the deal, while others, such as Japan and the Philippines, were more welcoming.</p>
<p>Russia, one of the other few nations armed with nuclear-powered submarines, was more low-key and cautious in its initial reaction.</p>
<p>The Kremlin limited its <a href="https://iz.ru/1222495/2021-09-16/v-kremle-vyskazalis-ob-alianse-ssha-velikobritanii-i-avstralii">official commentary</a> to a carefully crafted statement that said,</p>
<blockquote>
<p>Before forming a position, we must understand the goals, objectives, means. These questions need to be answered first. There is little information so far.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Some Russian diplomatic officials joined their <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-09-16/aukus-china-foreign-ministry-condemns-agreement-abbott-rudd/100468900">Chinese counterparts</a> in expressing their concerns that Australia’s development of nuclear-powered submarines (with American and British help) would undermine the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and “<a href="https://tass.com/world/1339043">speed up an arms race</a>” in the region. </p>
<p>They suggested the construction of the nuclear submarine fleet would need to be <a href="https://tass.com/politics/1339095">overseen</a> by the International Atomic Energy Agency — a proposition unlikely to be acceptable to Canberra. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/why-nuclear-submarines-are-a-smart-military-move-for-australia-and-could-deter-china-further-168064">Why nuclear submarines are a smart military move for Australia — and could deter China further</a>
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<h2>‘Prototype of an Asian NATO’</h2>
<p>As more became known about the new security pact, the rhetoric of Kremlin officials began to shift. </p>
<p>For instance, former Australian ambassador to the US, Joe Hockey, <a href="https://www.skynews.com.au/australia-news/defence-and-foreign-affairs/hockey-aukus-a-gamechanger-against-china-russias-increasing-capabilities/video/b3e6af09203e4d47d76be02f8b1037dd">boldly declared</a> AUKUS was intended to counter not only China’s power in the Indo-Pacific region, but Russia’s, too.</p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"1440366714860998656"}"></div></p>
<p>Soon after, the secretary of Russia’s Security Council, Nikolai Patrushev, was <a href="https://aif.ru/politics/russia/cepnaya_reakciya_haosa_nikolay_patrushev_o_chuzhdyh_rossii_soyuzah_i_cennostyah">calling the pact</a> a “prototype of an Asian NATO”. He added, </p>
<blockquote>
<p>Washington will try to involve other countries in this organisation, chiefly in order to pursue anti-China and anti-Russia policies</p>
</blockquote>
<p>This change of rhetoric should not come as a surprise to Canberra. Russia has <a href="https://rusemb.org.uk/press/2029">long considered</a> any change to regional security — the creation of new alliances, for instance, or the deployment of new weapons systems — a military risk that would require a response. </p>
<h2>Marketing its own nuclear submarines</h2>
<p>So, what possible options could Russia entertain as part of its response?</p>
<p>Since Moscow’s view of AUKUS is more of a political and military risk, but not yet a threat, its immediate responses are likely to be limited to political manoeuvring and opportunity grabbing. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/russia-not-so-much-a-re-rising-superpower-as-a-skilled-strategic-spoiler-90916">Russia not so much a (re)rising superpower as a skilled strategic spoiler</a>
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<p>Perhaps most notably, Russia may see the AUKUS submarine deal as setting a precedent, allowing it to promote its own nuclear-submarine technology to interested parties in the region. This is not merely hypothetical — it has been suggested by <a href="https://www.mk.ru/politics/2021/09/17/ssha-otkryli-yashhik-pandory-na-rynke-atomnykh-podlodok.html">defence experts</a> with close links to Russia’s Ministry of Defence. </p>
<p>Historically, Russia has held back from sharing its nuclear submarine technology, which is considered among the best in the world, certainly superior to China’s nascent capabilities.</p>
<p>Thus far, Moscow has only entered into leasing arrangements with <a href="https://www.indiatoday.in/india-today-insight/story/why-the-us-won-t-give-india-nuclear-submarines-1854818-2021-09-20">India</a>, allowing its navy to operate Soviet- and Russian-made nuclear-powered attack submarines since 1987. But this has not entailed the transfer of technology to India.</p>
<p><div data-react-class="Tweet" data-react-props="{"tweetId":"1439522533896855554"}"></div></p>
<p>Should Russia decide to market its nuclear-powered submarines to other nations, it would have no shortage of interested buyers. As one military expert <a href="https://www.mk.ru/politics/2021/09/17/ssha-otkryli-yashhik-pandory-na-rynke-atomnykh-podlodok.html">suggested</a>, Vietnam or Algeria are potential markets — but there could be others. As he put it,</p>
<blockquote>
<p>Literally before our eyes, a new market for nuclear powered submarines is being created. […] Now we can safely offer a number of our strategic partners. </p>
</blockquote>
<h2>Expanding its submarine force in the Pacific</h2>
<p>In the longer run, Russia will also not disregard the obvious: the new pact unites two nuclear-armed nations (the US and UK) and a soon-to-be-nuclear-capable Australia. </p>
<p>The expanded endurance and range of Australia’s future submarines could see them operating in the western and northwestern Pacific, areas of regular activity for Russia’s naval force. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="A Russian Navy destroyer visiting the Philippines." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/422803/original/file-20210923-15-1gz5zb5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/422803/original/file-20210923-15-1gz5zb5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=371&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/422803/original/file-20210923-15-1gz5zb5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=371&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/422803/original/file-20210923-15-1gz5zb5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=371&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/422803/original/file-20210923-15-1gz5zb5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=466&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/422803/original/file-20210923-15-1gz5zb5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=466&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/422803/original/file-20210923-15-1gz5zb5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=466&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">A Russian Navy destroyer visiting the Philippines in 2019.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Bullit Marquez/AP</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Should the strike systems on board these submarines have the Russian far east or parts of Siberia within their range, it would be a game-changer for Moscow.</p>
<p>As a nuclear superpower, Russia will need to factor this into its strategic planning. And this means Australia must keep a close watch on Russia’s military activities in the Pacific in the coming years.</p>
<p>Over the next 12 months, for instance, the Russian Pacific Fleet is expected to receive at least three nuclear-powered submarines. </p>
<p>Two of these fourth-generation submarines (the Yasen-M class) are <a href="https://nationalinterest.org/blog/buzz/bad-news-russia-and-china-have-submarines-nearly-good-navy-190524">technologically superior</a> to similar vessels currently being built by the Chinese and are believed to be <a href="https://www.navalnews.com/naval-news/2021/08/how-russias-yasen-m-submarine-compares-to-the-u-s-navys-block-v-virginia/">almost comparable</a> to the American nuclear submarines being considered an option for Australia. </p>
<p>The third is a 30,000-tonne, modified Oscar II class <a href="https://www.navyrecognition.com/index.php/naval-news/naval-news-archive/2021/april/9946-belgorod-submarine-with-status-6-poseidon-will-be-a-part-of-pacific-fleet.html">Belgorod</a> submarine converted to carry several nuclear super-torpedos <a href="https://www.popularmechanics.com/military/weapons/a36110992/russia-poseidon-apocalypse-torpedo-updates/">capable</a> of destroying major naval bases. </p>
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<p>By 2028, I estimate Russia’s navy will have a force of at least 14 nuclear-powered submarines and six conventional attack submarines in the Pacific. </p>
<p>Should Russia start considering AUKUS a military threat, we could expect more to arrive. Their area of operations could also be expanded to the South China Sea, and beyond. </p>
<h2>Deepening naval ties with China</h2>
<p>In the most dramatic scenario, Russia and China could form a loose maritime coalition to counter the combined military power of the AUKUS pact.</p>
<p>Given the deepening state of <a href="https://www.defence.gov.au/adc/publications/ajdss/documents/volume3-number1/strategic-reality-check-russia-china-defence-cooperation-alexey-muraviev.pdf">Russia-China defence relations</a>, particularly in the naval sphere, this does not seem unrealistic.</p>
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<p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/australias-strategic-blind-spot-chinas-newfound-intimacy-with-once-rival-russia-142385">Australia's strategic blind spot: China's newfound intimacy with once-rival Russia</a>
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<p>This possible coalition is unlikely to become an actual maritime alliance, let alone the basis for larger <a href="https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/quad-nations-to-kick-off-4-day-malabar-naval-war-games-with-eye-on-china/articleshow/85649928.cms">bloc</a> involving other countries. Still, if Russia and China were to coordinate their naval activities, that would be bad news for the AUKUS. </p>
<p>Should tensions escalate, Moscow and Beijing could see Australia as the weakest link of the pact. In its typical bombastic language, China’s <a href="https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202109/1234460.shtml">Global Times</a> newspaper has already referred to Australia as a “potential target for a nuclear strike”. </p>
<p>This might be a far-fetched scenario, but by entering the nuclear submarine race in the Indo-Pacific, Australia would become part of an elite club, some of whom would be adversaries. And there is the potential for this to lead to a naval Cold War of sorts in the Indo-Pacific.</p>
<p>Sceptics may say Moscow is likely to be all talk but no action and the risks posed by Russia to Australia are minimal. Let’s hope this is correct.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/168374/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Alexey D Muraviev does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>While all eyes are on China’s response to the new AUKUS security pact, Russia matters, too. After all, it has its own nuclear submarines that could now be marketed all over the region.Alexey D Muraviev, Associate Professor of National Security and Strategic Studies, Curtin UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1680672021-09-16T05:23:18Z2021-09-16T05:23:18ZHow do nuclear-powered submarines work? A nuclear scientist explains<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/421470/original/file-20210916-29-os64j5.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=4%2C0%2C2768%2C1716&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Submarine_Delta_IV_class.jpg">US Navy/Wikimedia Commons</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>The Australian government has just declared an <a href="https://theconversation.com/australia-to-build-nuclear-submarines-in-a-new-partnership-with-the-us-and-uk-168068">historic defence agreement</a> with the United States and United Kingdom that will see a new fleet of nuclear-powered submarines patrol our shores and surrounding waters. </p>
<p>Research into nuclear-based propulsion of marine vessels began in the 1940s with the dawn of the “nuclear age”. Since then, only six nations have owned and operated nuclear submarines: China, France, India, Russia, the UK and the US. </p>
<p>Considering Australia has just torn up a A$90 billion contract to construct a new arsenal of conventional submarines, yesterday’s announcement will probably come as a surprise to many. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/australia-to-build-nuclear-submarines-in-a-new-partnership-with-the-us-and-uk-168068">Australia to build nuclear submarines in a new partnership with the US and UK</a>
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<p>So what is “nuclear” about a nuclear submarine? The first thing to say is that a nuclear-powered submarine is not a nuclear weapon. </p>
<p>On the surface, they look like any other submarine. The key difference lies in the way they are powered. </p>
<p>In the early days of atomic research, scientists rapidly realised the huge amounts of energy released by “splitting the atom” can be harnessed to generate electricity. Nuclear reactors inside power stations have been powering homes and industry across the world for 70 years. Similarly, each nuclear submarine draws power from its own miniature onboard nuclear reactor.</p>
<p>At the heart of every atom is an atomic nucleus, made of protons and neutrons. The number of protons defines what chemical element that atom belongs to; nuclei with the same number of protons but varying numbers of neutrons are called isotopes of that element. </p>
<p>Some very heavy nuclei are highly susceptible to a process known as nuclear fission, whereby they split into two lighter nuclei with a total mass less than the original nucleus. The remainder is converted to energy. </p>
<p>The amount of energy released is immense, as we can see from Einstein’s famous equation, <em>E = mc²</em>, which tells us the energy is equal to the change in mass multiplied by the square of the speed of light!</p>
<p>Reactors in a nuclear-powered submarine are typically fuelled with uranium. Natural uranium mined from the ground consists mainly of an isotope called uranium-238, mixed with small amounts (0.7%) of the key isotope uranium-235. </p>
<p>For the reactor to work, the uranium fuel has to be “enriched” to contain the desired proportion of uranium-235. For submarines, this is typically about 50%. The degree of fuel enrichment is a crucial factor in maintaining a chain reaction that gives a consistent, safe level of energy output.</p>
<p>Inside the reactor, uranium-235 is bombarded with neutrons, causing some of the nuclei to undergo nuclear fission. In turn, more neutrons are released and the process continues in a so-called “nuclear chain reaction”. The energy is given off as heat, which can be used to drive turbines that generate electricity for the submarine.</p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/421481/original/file-20210916-19-1yf066n.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="Diagram of nuclear fission chain reaction" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/421481/original/file-20210916-19-1yf066n.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/421481/original/file-20210916-19-1yf066n.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=588&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/421481/original/file-20210916-19-1yf066n.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=588&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/421481/original/file-20210916-19-1yf066n.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=588&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/421481/original/file-20210916-19-1yf066n.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=739&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/421481/original/file-20210916-19-1yf066n.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=739&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/421481/original/file-20210916-19-1yf066n.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=739&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Conceptual diagram of a nuclear fission chain reaction.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">ANU</span>, <span class="license">Author provided</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<h2>What are the pros and cons of going nuclear?</h2>
<p>One huge advantage of nuclear-powered submarines is they do not require refuelling. When one of them enters into service, it will be commissioned with enough uranium fuel to last more than 30 years. </p>
<p>The high efficiency of nuclear power also enables these submarines to operate at high speed for longer periods than conventional diesel-electric submarines. What’s more, unlike conventional fuel combustion, nuclear reactions do not require air. That means nuclear submarines can stay submerged at deep depths for months at a time, giving them better stealth capabilities and allowing for longer, more remote deployments. </p>
<p>The downside is the eye-watering cost. Each nuclear submarine typically costs several billion dollars to build, and requires a highly skilled workforce with expertise in nuclear science. With its dedicated training programs offered by world-class universities and government agencies, Australia is well situated to meet the increasing demands in this space, and will also benefit from existing UK and US expertise through the new trilateral security pact.</p>
<p>At this stage, details on where the fuel would be sourced are unclear. While Australia has an ample supply of uranium in the ground, it lacks the capacity to enrich or fabricate the reactor fuel, which could be sourced from overseas. </p>
<p>What will happen to the spent fuel? The 2015 <a href="http://nuclearrc.sa.gov.au/">Nuclear Fuel Cycle Royal Commission</a> found commercial viability for long-term radioactive waste storage and disposal facilities in South Australia. Whether this eventuates will doubtless be subject to deliberations at local and federal government levels for years to come.</p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/why-nuclear-submarines-are-a-smart-military-move-for-australia-and-could-deter-china-further-168064">Why nuclear submarines are a smart military move for Australia — and could deter China further</a>
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<h2>Popular misconceptions</h2>
<p>I’ll say it again. This is not a call by Australia to deploy nuclear weapons in our waters. For uranium to be designated “weapons grade”, it needs to be enriched to upwards of 90% uranium-235 - the fuel for a nuclear-powered submarine doesn’t come close. </p>
<p>In any case, Australia has never produced a nuclear weapon, and it is a party to nuclear nonproliferation treaties and international export control regimes, including the <a href="https://www.dfat.gov.au/international-relations/security/non-proliferation-disarmament-arms-control/nuclear-issues/treaties">Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and Non-Proliferation and Disarmament Initiative</a>.</p>
<p>The tactical advantage of submarines comes from their stealth and ability to pinpoint targets secretly without detection. </p>
<p>Maintaining safety, for both crew and the natural environment, is crucial onboard any sea vessel. Hollywood movies such as <a href="https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0267626/">K19: The Widowmaker</a>, in which a nuclear submarine malfunctions on its maiden voyage, play on our emotions and our instinctive fear of nuclear radiation. </p>
<p>But advances in modern safety controls and procedures mean reactor accidents in submarines are hopefully now consigned to the past. </p>
<p>The strategic and geopolitical outcomes of this policy decision are yet to be seen. But one thing is already clear: Australia’s latest foreign policy venture is also a firm embrace of nuclear science.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/168067/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>AJ Mitchell works for The Australian National University, Canberra. </span></em></p>Nuclear submarines are powered by a miniature onboard fission reactor. They can go for decades without refuelling, making them faster, stealthier and much more expensive than conventional submarines.AJ Mitchell, Research fellow, Australian National UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1680642021-09-16T01:56:37Z2021-09-16T01:56:37ZWhy nuclear submarines are a smart military move for Australia — and could deter China further<p>The Morrison government has decided it’s best for Australia to accelerate the production of a more capable, integrated, nuclear-powered submarine platform with the US and the UK. </p>
<p>This will more tightly enmesh Australia into the US orbit. Technologically and militarily, it means if the US goes into a conflict in the Indo-Pacific region, it would be much more difficult for Australia not to be directly and almost automatically involved.</p>
<p>The other side of argument is this is a good thing because it will at least incrementally add to the deterrence against China. </p>
<p>Chinese strategists and leaders will have to weigh up the risk and presumably be less likely to decide that crossing the threshold of war is something they are prepared to do. The hope is that added deterrence will make the stakes higher for the Chinese and the prospects of success lower. </p>
<h2>How do nuclear submarines differ from conventional ones?</h2>
<p>In recent years, the Australian government and Department of Defence have been placing greater emphasis on longer-range military capabilities, particularly with the <a href="https://www1.defence.gov.au/about/publications/2020-defence-strategic-update#:%7E:text=Released%20on%201%20July%202020,their%20implications%20for%20Defence%20planning.">Defence Strategic Update in 2020</a>. </p>
<p>This includes the acquisition of missiles, as well as space and cyber capabilities. Nuclear-powered submarines now leapfrog our existing naval capabilities. </p>
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<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/defence-update-in-an-increasingly-dangerous-neighbourhood-australia-needs-a-stronger-security-system-141771">Defence update: in an increasingly dangerous neighbourhood, Australia needs a stronger security system</a>
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<p>The benefit of nuclear submarines is you don’t have to snorkel: they allow you to stay submerged and be stealthier for longer. The conventionally powered (diesel/electric) submarine does not have the same range without exposing itself to detection by surfacing. </p>
<p>This potentially will transform the ability of the Australian Defence Force to operate at range around Australia and beyond, and operate more closely in an integrated way with the US and UK.</p>
<p>Our previous A$90 billion <a href="https://theconversation.com/french-company-dcns-wins-race-to-build-australias-next-submarine-fleet-experts-respond-58060">deal</a> with the French company DCNS to build up to 12 submarines was always less connected with the US and UK. </p>
<p>The French ironically had nuclear propulsion in their Barracuda submarine, and had we gone with that option when we signed the deal in 2016, they could have said, “OK, let’s replicate what we do and give that to you”. Had we done that, we would be well on the way to our first one.</p>
<p>But we said we wanted the propulsion to be conventional. That delayed the French program, so they now have cause to be irritated over this new deal.</p>
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<p>The question is how quickly these new submarines will become available, because the French-designed ones were decades away from being operational.</p>
<p>This new deal potentially would see Australia able to lease British and/or American submarines on an interim basis to develop Australian expertise with nuclear propulsion, or at least operate with them and have Australian crew on board to learn the ropes.</p>
<p>But we do not have the capability in Australia at the moment to operate and maintain nuclear submarines. There’s a whole infrastructure that’s missing. </p>
<p>This means we either have to spend an enormous amount of money to develop it, or subcontract it to the UK or US, which makes us beholden to them and subject to their domestic, political dynamics. </p>
<h2>Where did things go wrong?</h2>
<p>We’ve fumbled the ball in our handling of our future submarine capability over the last decade and a half. We should have made a decision on a new submarine design a long time ago — one that was feasible — and locked it in. </p>
<p>We bypassed a couple of other options, including an upgrade of our current Collins-class submarine — a newer, snazzier, more capable version of what we already know.</p>
<p>Instead, we went for a radical new design that even the French had never built before. Anything with cutting-edge technology is going to incur delays and cost overruns. And that’s exactly what we faced. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="A Barracuda submarine under construction in France." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/421461/original/file-20210916-43-1mpl1yl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/421461/original/file-20210916-43-1mpl1yl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/421461/original/file-20210916-43-1mpl1yl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/421461/original/file-20210916-43-1mpl1yl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/421461/original/file-20210916-43-1mpl1yl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/421461/original/file-20210916-43-1mpl1yl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/421461/original/file-20210916-43-1mpl1yl.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">A Barracuda submarine under construction in France. DCNS, a French company, had been chosen to design 12 diesel-electric, Shortfin Barracuda submarines for Australia in 2016.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Thibault Camus/AP</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>In the meantime, the clouds have gotten darker in our region and the need to acquire new, capable submarines has become all the more pressing and important.</p>
<p>The combination of those factors has driven a hard-nosed re-evaluation of our previous half-baked decisions on our future submarine requirements. </p>
<p>Interestingly, in defence industry circles there is emerging a strong sense of approval that Australia is now going with a known quantity — a reliable, technological platform that is more integrated with the US and hopefully can become operational much sooner.</p>
<h2>How will this build up Australia’s defence industry?</h2>
<p>The details remain sketchy but it appears the initial plan will be to subcontract the development of the submarines to the US or UK. </p>
<p>But if Australia is to be self-reliant, which I believe the government recognises the need for, then much of this technology will have to be transferred to Australia — at least to allow for maintenance. </p>
<p>No doubt, aspects of the fit-out are not directly linked to insider knowledge on nuclear propulsion secrets, so there will be a considerable portion of the work that could be done in Australia. But that will incur delays and additional costs. </p>
<p>Australia’s circumstances are more turbulent and the prospect of the American alliance coming to the rescue is more precarious than ever. The irony is that to be more self-reliant, there’s a need to double down on US technology and US capabilities. They are the world leaders and they have the industrial capacity to quickly provide the technology.</p>
<p>One of the things Defence Minister Peter Dutton went to Washington to do was to persuade the US to share technology. This AUKUS arrangement talks about developing a technology industrial basis and supply lines — this means the US and UK are appear prepared to invest in Australia’s ability to sustain it. </p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/china-does-not-want-war-at-least-not-yet-its-playing-the-long-game-160093">China does not want war, at least not yet. It's playing the long game</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
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<h2>How will China likely react?</h2>
<p>That’s the million dollar question: does this make us safer? There’s no question we will get strong and sharp-edged criticism from Beijing, where the Chinese government will see it in conspiratorial terms. </p>
<p>But Chinese rhetoric doesn’t need be taken at face value. This is largely for domestic purposes and about influencing and shaping opinion in a way that’s consistent with China’s perceived interests. </p>
<p>In the past few years, China has become more assertive in its rhetoric, matching its military buildup, which most security pundits now say is about seeking to intimidate potential adversaries so they’ll just back down. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="One of China's new nuclear-powered submarines." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/421463/original/file-20210916-19-lcrfg5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/421463/original/file-20210916-19-lcrfg5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/421463/original/file-20210916-19-lcrfg5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/421463/original/file-20210916-19-lcrfg5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/421463/original/file-20210916-19-lcrfg5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/421463/original/file-20210916-19-lcrfg5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/421463/original/file-20210916-19-lcrfg5.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">One of China’s new nuclear-powered submarines, the Long March 10.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Mark Schiefelbein/AP</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>So, does a more capable AUKUS coalition, with Australia in the middle, deter or aggravate China? </p>
<p>It’s fair to say there is growing consensus we need to do more to deter Chinese actions in the region. Deterrence requires credible capabilities. This new alliance is consistent with that line of reasoning.</p>
<p>We have put our eggs in the US security basket for the past 70 years — and this new coalition puts more eggs in that basket. The hope is collaborating with the UK and US will improve our ability to defend ourselves. But submarines are only really useful if you find yourself contemplating having to use them. </p>
<p>Short of such circumstances, some deft diplomacy and regional engagement is key. Australia’s <a href="https://www.dfat.gov.au/sites/default/files/2017-foreign-policy-white-paper.pdf">Foreign Policy White Paper of 2017</a> spoke of investing in regional security ties. For this policy change to enhance security, it needs to be coupled with much greater efforts aimed at bolstering security and stability alongside our neighbours in Southeast Asia and the Pacific.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/168064/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>John Blaxland does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Nuclear-powered submarines do not need to surface for air, allowing them to be stealthier for longer. But there’s still a million-dollar question: does this make us safer?John Blaxland, Professor, Strategic and Defence Studies Centre, Australian National UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1661382021-08-29T07:49:22Z2021-08-29T07:49:22ZMozambique insurgency: focus needs to shift to preventing criminality at sea<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/418068/original/file-20210826-6524-fyv73z.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Mozambican soldiers on patrol in Palma,
Cabo Delgado, following the terrorist attack in March.
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">EFE-EPA/Joas Relvas</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>The insurgency in the Cabo Delgado province of Mozambique has been placed firmly in the international spotlight since radicals linked to Islamic State launched their audacious attack on the town of Palma <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/uk-mozambique-insurgency-pemba-idUSKBN2BS0R4">in March</a>, killing over 50 people.</p>
<p>A large <a href="https://www.africa-press.net/mozambique/all-news/mozambique-nyusi-confirms-arrival-of-rwandan-forces-in-cabo-delgado-watch">Rwandan military and police contingent</a> and <a href="https://clubofmozambique.com/news/tanzania-air-force-freighter-unloads-military-logistics-at-pemba-airport-noticias-198278/">troops from the Southern African Development Community (SADC)</a> have entered the theatre. These are helping Mozambique’s army and police to stem the tide and step up their act over the longer term.</p>
<p>There is also support from the <a href="https://www.defenceweb.co.za/featured/us-military-providing-additional-training-to-mozambican-armed-forces">US and the European Union</a>, largely in the form of training assistance. This adds to training support promised by Angola and Zimbabwe as part of the <a href="https://www.myzimbabwe.co.zw/news/64130-latest-on-deployment-of-zimbabwean-special-soldiers-in-mozambique-story-fresh-details-emerge.html">SADC contingent arriving in Cabo Delgado</a>. </p>
<p>But there’s a problem. </p>
<p>The combined military response against the insurgents is primarily on land, with very limited maritime response capabilities. But the insurgent threat is not limited to the interior. Insurgents stormed and held the port of Mocímboa da Praia in August 2020 and attacked communities on nearby <a href="https://clubofmozambique.com/news/mozambique-terrorists-attack-island-off-palma-coast-aim-report-171133/">islands off Palma, halting its tourism flows</a>.</p>
<p>The fixation on landward efforts ignores the fact that the insurgency also poses a maritime threat. Significantly, the insurgency has hobbled the energy sector. This was set to make Mozambique an important global energy player following the discovery of <a href="https://www.africanglobe.net/business/oil-gas-discoveries-mozambique">large offshore gas fields</a>. The discoveries hold regional and global implications. Mozambique could well become a gas emirate in southern Africa, and bringing the industry on line could propel Mozambique into the <a href="https://edition.cnn.com/2017/05/03/africa/mozambique-oil-and-gas-hub/index.html">top seven global gas producing countries</a>. </p>
<p>These optimistic outlooks all depend on whether Mozambique can contain the impact of the ongoing violent insurgency in Cabo Delgado. This precondition extends offshore.</p>
<h2>Maritime security</h2>
<p>Mozambique’s future economy relies heavily on maintaining a safe offshore domain. To this end the government must make use of every opportunity to build the required <a href="https://africabriefing.org/2019/08/an-analysis-of-mozambiques-maritime-security/">capacity and partnerships</a> to maintain the rule of law at sea.</p>
<p>Bringing gas production on line has been severely disrupted because of the insurgency. Much of the landward activity and construction of infrastructure has come to a standstill.</p>
<p>In April, <a href="https://totalenergies.com/media/news/press-releases/total-declares-force-majeure-mozambique-lng-project">Totalenergies</a>, the French energy multinational, declared a force majeure. This was after the insurgents occupied and held the port of Mocímboa da Praia in 2020 and attacked Palma early in 2021. </p>
<p>The port is of significance for the <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-53756692">delivery of goods by sea and air</a> for the construction projects under way to develop onshore infrastructure in support of the gas industry. It has since been reclaimed by the <a href="https://www.moneyweb.co.za/news/africa/mozambican-rwandan-forces-retake-port-town-from-insurgents/">Mozambique and Rwandan forces</a>. But given how risk perception unfolds, construction remains stalled. </p>
<p>In my view Mozambique’s ocean territories must receive due attention for three reasons. These are: events on land spilling offshore, perceptions of dangerous seas off Mozambique, and criminality at sea left unchecked.</p>
<h2>Cost of insecurity at sea</h2>
<p>First, insecurity on land has maritime repercussions. This is the reality in the waters off Somalia, Nigeria, Libya and Yemen. Weak security governance on land affects the maritime economy, with shipping and resource extraction particularly vulnerable. </p>
<p>This land and sea interplay is a potential risk facing Mozambique’s decision-makers.</p>
<p>Second, perceptions of dangers in the waters off Mozambique hold negative repercussions. This is even more so if international measures are implemented to mitigate a threat to shipping. A <a href="https://maritimecyprus.com/2015/12/18/anti-piracy-update-updated-chart-for-hra-available-to-download/">high risk area</a> at sea akin to those off Somalia and Nigeria directs shipping to take preventive actions. This has multiple knock-on effects.</p>
<p>Higher insurance costs are incured; shipping must follow longer routes, increasing the cost of doing business; private security personnel are often taken on; and the safety and livelihoods of crews are at higher risk. All this is evident in the demarcated danger zone now operational off Nigeria. </p>
<p>Third, the waters off Cabo Delgado must not be allowed to become a playground for criminals to enter and exploit. If ungoverned, this sea space offers the potential for criminal syndicates and insurgents to prosper side by side. </p>
<h2>Connecting the dots: five risks to mitigate</h2>
<p>The insurgency has resulted in or compounded the following problems: </p>
<p><strong>Transnational criminal syndicates:</strong> These already operate into Cabo Delgado. If weak governance on land is mirrored at sea, syndicates become dangerous competitors, and even more so if allied with insurgent elements as in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria.</p>
<p><strong>Illegal oil trafficking:</strong> Energy infrastructure for gas and oil are difficult to take over. Nevertheless illegal oil trafficking from <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2018/6/26/libya-calls-on-un-to-block-illegal-oil-sale">rebel-held territories in the east of Libya</a> shows how brazen non-state actors can take over or infiltrate energy infrastructure and port facilities and use this to join an illegal industry.</p>
<p><strong>Attacks on infrastructure and shipping at sea:</strong> Sri Lanka provides a good example. The Sea Tiger wing of the insurgent movement <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2007/6/11/sri-lanka-battles-tigers-at-sea">Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam</a> <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2007/6/11/sri-lanka-battles-tigers-at-sea">attacked</a> Sri Lanka’s navy with suicide vessels for several years. </p>
<p><strong>Drone attacks:</strong> The <a href="https://www.politico.eu/article/gulf-shipping-attacks-leave-global-economy-vulnerable-trade/">recent drone attack</a> on a commercial vessel passing through the Gulf of Oman, with Yemen and Iranian connections, must also serve as a warning. There have been allegations of the presence of <a href="https://www.defenceweb.co.za/aerospace/unmanned-aerial-vehicles/iss-drones-in-the-hands-of-insurgents-how-africa-can-prepare/#:%7E:text=In%20the%20Democratic%20Republic%20of%20the%20Congo%2C%20insurgents,drones%20for%20precision%20targeting%20in%20Cabo%20Delgado%20province">drones in Cabo Delgado</a>.</p>
<p><strong>Drug smuggling:</strong> Insecurity at sea off Cabo Delgado carries the risk of compounding the problem posed by <a href="https://allafrica.com/stories/202006080902.html">drug smuggling networks</a> operating in the area. No effort should be spared to prevent the insurgents and the smugglers cooperating.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="Children attend a class sitting on the ground under a tree." src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/418072/original/file-20210826-15-1qcut5m.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/418072/original/file-20210826-15-1qcut5m.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/418072/original/file-20210826-15-1qcut5m.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/418072/original/file-20210826-15-1qcut5m.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/418072/original/file-20210826-15-1qcut5m.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/418072/original/file-20210826-15-1qcut5m.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/418072/original/file-20210826-15-1qcut5m.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
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<span class="caption">Displaced children in Cabo Delgado, Mozambique, learn under a tree.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">EFE-EPA/Joao Relvas</span></span>
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<p>Overall, the tactics I’ve outlined call for a comprehensive response, one most probably beyond anything the Mozambique authorities can mobilise on their own. </p>
<p>Some small steps with a maritime focus have taken place.</p>
<p>Two small, lightly armed <a href="https://www.defenceweb.co.za/featured/sandf-equipment-spotted-in-mozambique/#:%7E:text=In%20addition%20to%20vehicles%20on%20land%2C%20naval%20vessels,Development%20Community%E2%80%99s%20intervention%20brigade%20%28SADC%20Mission%20in%20Mozambique%29.">South African naval patrol vessels</a> arrived in Pemba harbour for patrols off Cabo Delgado.</p>
<p>A training team from the <a href="https://www.unodc.org/unodc/frontpage/2021/August/unodc-and-mozambique-cooperate-to-promote-maritime-security.html">United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime</a> recently arrived to help train maritime personnel from Mozambique to increase maritime security governance.</p>
<p>The Rwandan military contingent includes a <a href="https://www.sfgate.com/news/article/Rwandan-Mozambican-forces-retake-port-from-16374076.php">limited small boat capability</a> to extend their presence off the coast, albeit only near harbour patrols. </p>
<p>Fourth – in recapturing Mocímboa da Praia from the insurgents in early August 2021, the operation included a <a href="https://clubofmozambique.com/news/mozambique-most-important-mission-yet-to-come-says-army-commander-aim-198891/">surprise attack by a small contingent of Mozambique soldiers from the sea</a>. </p>
<h2>Looking forward: what needs to happen</h2>
<p>The maritime situation in Mozambique must not be allowed to emulate the maritime threats found off Nigeria, Somalia and the rebel-held territories in Libya. Allowing this would hold dire implications for international shipping and subsequently for Mozambique and the landlocked countries in the region. </p>
<p>It is precisely this threat that underscored <a href="https://pmg.org.za/committee-question/14632/">the need for cooperation</a> between South Africa, Mozambique and Tanzania to prevent piracy from gaining a foothold in Mozambique. Ongoing maritime operations between South Africa and Mozambique also need to be maintained.</p>
<p>Cooperation with a wide array of partners to promote maritime security governance over the longer term must remain a priority. This is a long term objective to be addressed in the context of the current armed insurgency, and sustained beyond the present volatility. </p>
<p>Stability on land and at sea must be addressed simultaneously.</p>
<p>The <a href="https://news.africa.com/south-african-military-deploys-troops-to-pemba-northern-mozambique-1635.html">South African Navy</a> and UN Office on Drugs and Crime are the first naval and capacity building respondents to arrive. But the SADC should seriously consider using its Standing Maritime Committee to assist Mozambique. The aim would be to bring about a formal regional arrangement for cooperation to secure regional economic and security interests in the southwestern Indian Ocean over the longer term.</p>
<p>Mozambique is in no position to contribute significantly to the broader array of maritime security endeavours. That’s why international partners need to play a role. </p>
<p>The SADC must now pass the acid test of stemming the insurgent threats from spilling over and threatening the region’s wider landward and maritime interests.</p>
<p>The intervention forces currently fighting the insurgents should extend their role offshore to prevent a collapse of security at sea off Mozambique or at the minimum, any such perception among the international maritime community.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/166138/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Francois Vreÿ receives funding from Stellenbosch University and the National Research Foundation.</span></em></p>The maritime situation in Mozambique must not be allowed to emulate the maritime threats found off Nigeria, Somalia, and the rebel-held territories in Libya.Francois Vreÿ, Research Coordinator, Security Institute for Governance and Leadership in Africa, Stellenbosch UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1596342021-04-23T05:29:28Z2021-04-23T05:29:28ZSubmarines are designed to hide – so what happens when one goes missing?<p>In waters north of Bali, a <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/search-missing-indonesian-submarine-enters-second-day-neighbours-offer-help-2021-04-22/">frantic search</a> is underway for the Indonesian submarine KRI Nanggala, missing with 53 crew since the boat failed to make a routine signal report on Wednesday morning.</p>
<h2>How to hunt a submarine</h2>
<p>There are two key challenges when a submarine goes missing. The first is finding it. A submarine is inherently covert. When the Nanggala dived as part of a routine exercise, it is unlikely the boat was being tracked. Even in a close-range exercise it can be very difficult to maintain sonar contact with a submarine. </p>
<p>While Nanggala may have had a known planned track, the only certainty is where the submarine was when it last reported on Wednesday. Typically, the first indication of a missing submarine, unless there has been an obvious collision with a surface vessel, is the absence of the routine “all is well” report. </p>
<p>Navies have <a href="https://divsurg.afod-pofa.com/DIVSURG/APP/Undersea_Medicine/Sub_Med/ATP-MTP_57.pdf">pre-planned procedures</a> for instituting checks and initiating searches if a submarine fails to call in. These are immediately activated when such a report is not received. They rapidly move from what have been termed “SUBLOOK” procedures (looking for a submarine) to “SUBMISS” (submarine is missing) and then, when hope has been lost or evidence of an accident comes in, the self-explanatory “SUBSUNK”.</p>
<h2>A large area of uncertainty</h2>
<p>However many searchers and however sophisticated their sensors, there will almost always be an area of uncertainty, and it can be very large. The faster the submarine has been moving and the longer the interval since its last check, the greater that area will be. </p>
<p>Submarines have emergency indicator buoys which can be released to mark their position in the event of an accident. That is provided, of course, the accident did not incapacitate the crew. </p>
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Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/the-difficulty-of-searching-for-mh370-in-a-giant-rubbish-patch-25083">The difficulty of searching for MH370 in a giant rubbish patch</a>
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<p>In shallow water, the buoys can remain tethered to the submarine. In deep water they become free-floating, so when the buoys are detected search units must calculate back to the estimated release position, with all the uncertainties that wind and currents bring. This is also the case for any debris or oil slicks on the sea surface – such as the one <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/indonesian-navy-checking-submarine-after-failure-report-back-exercise-2021-04-21/">possibly detected</a> by Indonesian units searching for the missing Nanggala.</p>
<h2>Difficulties of deep water</h2>
<p>The next problem is the ocean floor is rarely flat. Even if the waters are not deep enough to have collapsed the submarine hull under pressure – something that happened to the very similar <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ARA_San_Juan_(S-42)">Argentinian submarine San Juan in 2017</a> when it sank in 900 metres of water – it can be very hard to detect the vessel among seabed features. </p>
<p>The search for the San Juan, even though aided by triangulation of the seismic signature of its implosion at depth, took <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-46245686">a whole year</a>, with minute examination of the seabed using high-frequency sonar and underwater television cameras. It is conceivable the search for the Nanggala could take as long, or longer.</p>
<p>Once the submarine is found, there is no guarantee anyone aboard is still alive, even if the hull has not imploded. If one or more compartments have flooded, there may be survivors in other sections, but they will have limited air. And that is a key problem. </p>
<h2>Too much depth, too little time</h2>
<p>Time is not on survivors’ side. The problem is, as <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-56829278">stated by the Indonesian Navy</a>, that the 53 crewmembers of the Nanggala would have only about 72 hours of air once their submarine is disabled. This would mean air is likely to run out some time on Saturday morning.</p>
<p>It is possible to make individual free ascent escapes from a sunken submarine, but this inherently dangerous procedure becomes increasingly risky as water depth increases. Nanggala was operating in an area with depths of up to 700 metres. This is far, far too deep for such methods, although it is just possible the hull has not imploded. </p>
<p>Even if Nanggala is still intact, however, it is also likely 700 metres is too deep for rescue equipment. There are well-developed international procedures for providing help in the event of a submarine accident, and several rescue ships and systems are being <a href="https://www.theaustralian.com.au/world/indonesia-pleads-for-help-as-submarine-lost/news-story/f9a4d1da6b17ac7769e4c7dd8f7e2305">activated by other nations</a> as well as Indonesia. </p>
<p>Ideally, a deep-water rescue unit can be deployed to mate to a hatch on the submarine and embark the survivors – if the hatch is accessible and if the water is not too deep for the rescue unit concerned. But if the boat is near 700 metres, that may be too deep.</p>
<p>In any case, such a submersible has to travel to the scene. While systems such as the 24-person capacity American Deep Submergence Rescue Vehicle (DSRV) can be flown into a region, they then need to be placed aboard a mother ship and sailed to the location of the wreck. </p>
<p>In the case of Nanggala, the Indian Navy has despatched a submarine rescue vessel to help the Indonesians, but this will take around six days to reach the area, and practically every other rescue system that can be made available would also likely arrive too late to help the crew.</p>
<p>And Nanggala has yet to be found.</p>
<hr>
<p>
<em>
<strong>
Read more:
<a href="https://theconversation.com/why-does-australia-need-submarines-at-all-58575">Why does Australia need submarines at all?</a>
</strong>
</em>
</p>
<hr>
<img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/159634/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>James Goldrick does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The search for the Indonesian submarine KRI Nanggala faces huge uncertainties and a very tight deadline.James Goldrick, Adjunct Professor in Naval and Maritime Strategy and Policy, Australian National UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/1177252019-05-26T18:19:22Z2019-05-26T18:19:22ZTrump and the problem with pardons<p>As a veteran, I was astonished by the recent news that President Trump may be considering <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2019/05/18/us/trump-pardons-war-crimes.html">pardons</a> for U.S. military members <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/12/14/us/politics/mathew-golsteyn-special-forces-murder-charges.html?module=inline">accused</a> or <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2019/05/06/us/trump-pardon-michael-behenna.html">convicted</a> of war crimes. But as a <a href="https://hls.indiana.edu/faculty/directory/bell-andrew.html">scholar</a> who studies the U.S. military and combat ethics, I understand even more clearly the harmful long-term impact such pardons can have on the military. </p>
<p>My research, along with my military experience, shows that these pardons can potentially <a href="https://theconversation.com/military-honor-in-the-age-of-trump-70661">corrode</a> the U.S. military’s culture of ethics and respect for the law of war, with effects lasting for decades. </p>
<h2>Brotherhood and war crimes</h2>
<p>During my military career, I saw up close U.S. service members’ powerful sense of brotherhood and duty. </p>
<p>Despite this, many war crimes prosecutions of U.S. service members in <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/lifeandstyle/2013/mar/23/whistleblower-soldier-iraq-justin-watt">Iraq</a> and <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-soldiers-crimes/army-whistleblower-recalls-sergeants-chilling-threat-idUSTRE7A30NF20111104">Afghanistan</a> started with reports from <a href="https://www.vanityfair.com/news/2015/06/iraq-war-crime-army-cunningham-hatley-trial">fellow soldiers</a>. Similarly, despite the strong bonds within the SEAL community, U.S. Navy SEALs <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2019/04/23/us/navy-seals-crimes-of-war.html?module=inline">reported</a> the alleged atrocities of their platoon chief, Edward Gallagher – one of the service members Trump is considering pardoning. </p>
<p>In such cases, U.S. service members have often been motivated by a belief that reporting such violations is important for both the integrity and mission of U.S. military. </p>
<p>Their sense of duty was more important than even the bonds of brotherhood. This fact is what makes the President’s consideration of <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/12/16/us/politics/major-matt-golsteyn-trump.html?module=inline">pardons</a> so shocking.</p>
<h2>A checkered past</h2>
<p>It took years for the military to learn that hurting civilians harms both the mission and the sense of <a href="https://www.army.mil/values/">duty and honor</a> within U.S. military culture. </p>
<p>During the Vietnam War, many U.S. troops viewed the Vietnamese civilians as supporters of the enemy, leading to <a href="https://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=6q3vpJ3ePH4C&oi=fnd&pg=PP2&dq=kill+anything+that+moves&ots=RYtvTh8RmF&sig=1QtihgXZfqpHKN5MtGRd14PWlgo#v=onepage&q=kill%20anything%20that%20moves&f=false">massive atrocities</a>, including the infamous massacre of hundreds of civilians at <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=TMl480E9vxIC&printsec=frontcover&dq=four+hours+at+my+lai&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiFjJKY-7biAhVLba0KHeU4C34Q6AEINDAC#v=onepage&q=four%20hours%20at%20my%20lai&f=false">My Lai</a>.</p>
<p>U.S. Army commanders <a href="https://ssl.armywarcollege.edu/DCLM/pubs/study1970.pdf">learned</a> the hard way that these atrocities contributed to greater <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0095327X7600200302">indiscipline</a> and a <a href="https://warroom.armywarcollege.edu/special-series/anniversaries/my-lai-a-stain-on-the-army/">loss of professionalism</a> within the U.S. military. It took the military a generation to recover. </p>
<p>Because of this, the U.S. military drastically shifted focus after Vietnam, creating, among other initiatives, the Department of Defense Law of War <a href="https://apps.dtic.mil/dtic/tr/fulltext/u2/a272470.pdf">program</a> to transform U.S. military <a href="https://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/abs/10.1162/isec.2007.32.1.7">culture</a>.</p>
<p>The program emphasized ethics and compliance with the <a href="https://dod.defense.gov/Portals/1/Documents/pubs/DoD%20Law%20of%20War%20Manual%20-%20June%202015%20Updated%20Dec%202016.pdf?ver=2016-12-13-172036-190">law of war</a> in <a href="https://www.esd.whs.mil/Portals/54/Documents/DD/issuances/dodd/231101e.pdf">training</a> and compliance with the Geneva Conventions in <a href="https://www.loc.gov/rr/frd/Military_Law/JA-Combat-Vietnam-to-Haiti.html">enforcement</a> of military rules and laws. </p>
<h2>A culture transformed</h2>
<p>In my <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/proceedings-of-the-asil-annual-meeting/article/leashing-the-dogs-of-war-examining-the-effects-of-loac-training-at-the-us-military-academy-and-in-army-rotc/7DEAA2279AE61AC63D5DE7AED9CE75B3">research</a>, I’ve had the opportunity to view up close the impact of this training in ethics and the law of war. </p>
<p>My surveys of Army cadets and officers show that, despite a number of notable <a href="https://www.globalpolicy.org/invasion-and-war/atrocities-and-criminal-homicides-.html">incidents</a>, this training overall produces greater respect both for the law of war and for civilians on the battlefield. </p>
<p>Such a focus can have powerful effects on combatants: Intensive <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/09636412.2016.1195626">training</a> in combat ethics and the law of war can lead military members to prioritize the <a href="https://www.icrc.org/en/publication/4352-roots-restraint-war">protection of civilians</a>. </p>
<p>Military operations require, above all else, discipline to do the most difficult acts in the most difficult settings. Soldiers who harm civilians not only violate that discipline, they violate the trust and respect of their officers, commanders and fellow soldiers as well. </p>
<p>Just as importantly, as American soldiers learned in Iraq and Afghanistan, such indiscipline turns civilians against the U.S. military, hurting its ability to win wars.</p>
<p>It is for these reasons that many <a href="https://qz.com/1625838/us-veterans-are-disgusted-that-trump-may-pardon-edward-gallagher/">veterans</a> and <a href="https://twitter.com/Martin_Dempsey/status/1130809276191035392">commanders</a> have so <a href="https://www.latimes.com/politics/la-na-pol-pentagon-oppose-trump-pardon-murder-warcrimes-20190522-story.html">strongly opposed</a> the president’s pardon plans. Military ethics and military effectiveness both demand discipline, adherence to the military’s rules of engagement, and abidance of the Uniform Code of Military Justice.</p>
<h2>The wisdom of a lieutenant</h2>
<p>At one notable point during my field research, I observed how West Point <a href="https://capl.army.mil/news/2017-mission-command-conference-at-west-point">brings</a> officer graduates back to share combat leadership lessons with soon-to-be-commissioned senior cadets. </p>
<p>I listened to one Army lieutenant, recently returned from Iraq, sum up his hard-earned wisdom: “It all starts with shooting the dogs. If you don’t step in with discipline then, you’ve lost your troops when they want to do much, much worse.” The lieutenant had learned in combat that discipline required a commitment to military rules and law for all violations, big and small. </p>
<p>Presidential pardons for U.S. troops involved in war crimes, prior to or following court martial, is a signal from the military’s commander-in-chief that it is now okay to “shoot the dogs” – along with doing much, much worse.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/117725/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Andrew Bell does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Letting bad behavior go unpunished can undermine respect for the law of war.Andrew Bell, Assistant Professor of International Studies, Indiana UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/932232018-05-02T22:22:49Z2018-05-02T22:22:49ZAlternative endings to the first aircraft carrier battle<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/217085/original/file-20180501-135844-175mi2n.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">A large explosion aboard the USS Lexington is seen in this May 1942 photo taken by a U.S. navy employee.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">U.S. Navy</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>In May 1942, the Second World War was expanding across the Pacific. </p>
<p>An Imperial Japanese navy invasion fleet was steaming toward Port Moresby in Papua New Guinea. To protect that amphibious force, Japan sent the aircraft carriers Shokaku and Zuikaku to patrol the adjacent <a href="https://www.google.ca/maps/@-11.7676073,153.2620468,5.88z">Coral Sea</a>. The United States navy carriers Lexington and Yorktown sailed out to meet them.</p>
<p>The opposing carriers fought each other on May 8, 1942 in the <a href="https://www.history.navy.mil/browse-by-topic/wars-conflicts-and-operations/world-war-ii/1942/battle-of-coral-sea.html">Battle of the Coral Sea</a>. American bomber aircraft heavily damaged Shokaku. The Japanese planes were more successful: Yorktown was disabled and Lexington eventually sank. (<a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-military-shipwreck/five-facts-on-the-discovery-of-ww2-warship-lady-lex-idUSKCN1GJ11D">Its wreck was recently discovered</a>.) However, the fierce fighting caused the Japanese invasion fleet to turn around. That saved Port Moresby.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/217248/original/file-20180502-153869-1uq55h3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/217248/original/file-20180502-153869-1uq55h3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=470&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/217248/original/file-20180502-153869-1uq55h3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=470&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/217248/original/file-20180502-153869-1uq55h3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=470&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/217248/original/file-20180502-153869-1uq55h3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=590&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/217248/original/file-20180502-153869-1uq55h3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=590&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/217248/original/file-20180502-153869-1uq55h3.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=590&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Yorktown conducts aircraft operations in the Pacific Ocean sometime before the Battle of the Coral Sea in the spring of 1942. A fleet oiler is in the near background.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">U.S. Navy</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>This was the first carrier-versus-carrier battle in history. Tactically, it was a Japanese win. But preventing the invasion was a key success for the <a href="https://anzacportal.dva.gov.au/history/conflicts/australia-and-second-world-war/events/coral-sea-kokoda-and-milne-bay-2">American-Australian alliance</a>. The outcome also kept Shokaku and Zuikaku out of the decisive <a href="https://www.history.navy.mil/research/library/online-reading-room/title-list-alphabetically/b/battle-of-midway-4-7-june-1942.html">Battle of Midway</a> one month later. </p>
<p>Consequently, the Battle of the Coral Sea is still <a href="http://www.anmm.gov.au/whats-on/events/battle-coral-sea-lunch">commemorated in Australia</a> and the U.S. each year.</p>
<p>But were those results certain to happen? If either side had made different decisions, could the battle have turned out differently? If so, how?</p>
<p>I investigated those historical questions using two <a href="http://dr.library.brocku.ca/handle/10464/9377">mathematical</a> <a href="https://doi.org/10.1057/jors.2013.115">studies</a>. I began each one by calibrating a math model with historical data to reproduce the battle’s results. (The model <a href="https://doi.org/10.1287/opre.1040.0195">was originally created</a> for naval missile combat.) I then adjusted the model’s inputs to reflect different decisions by the U.S. and Japanese navies. The model’s outputs estimated the battle’s new outcome.</p>
<p>(I later used this approach to study <a href="https://theconversation.com/picketts-charge-what-modern-mathematics-teaches-us-about-civil-war-battle-78982">Pickett’s Charge</a> at Gettysburg and the <a href="https://theconversation.com/could-the-charge-of-the-light-brigade-have-worked-82801">Charge of the Light Brigade</a> at Balaclava.)</p>
<h2>More fighters?</h2>
<p>My research asked several “counterfactual” or “what if?” questions. For example, one-quarter of American aircraft at Coral Sea were fighters. (The rest were dive bombers and torpedo bombers.) The fighter proportion grew to almost two-thirds by 1944. That trend gave carriers stronger defences but less offensive power. </p>
<p>What if U.S. carriers at Coral Sea had likewise carried two-thirds fighters and one-third bombers?</p>
<p>The model suggests this would have left the Americans worse off. They would’ve suffered slightly less damage themselves but inflicted much less damage on the Japanese. That would have hindered the Americans during any subsequent exchange of airstrikes.</p>
<h2>Sail apart?</h2>
<p>The U.S. carriers sailed together during the battle. But what if they had separated, as some American officers had advised? Travelling together, carriers can share fighter cover for mutual protection. But sailing separately, one might avoid detection if the other is attacked.</p>
<p>My calculations indicate that separating the carriers would have slightly improved the Americans’ results: One carrier sunk, but one left unharmed. (This assumes the separated carriers could have still coordinated their attacks.) However, this tactic condemns the detected carrier to certain destruction. Sailing together gave a small chance of both surviving.</p>
<h2>Extra ships?</h2>
<p>What if the U.S. had added another carrier? Two were busy executing <a href="https://www.history.navy.mil/browse-by-topic/wars-conflicts-and-operations/world-war-ii/1942/halsey-doolittle-raid.html">the Doolittle Raid on Tokyo</a>, led by Lt.-Col. James “Jimmy” Doolittle of the U.S. air force. By cancelling that raid, America could have sent one or both to the Coral Sea.</p>
<p>My model estimates a third U.S. carrier would have boosted Japanese losses. But it wouldn’t have reduced American losses much. In fact, it would have exposed more U.S. ships to attack.</p>
<p>Four carriers would have given the U.S. a 95 per cent chance of destroying both Japanese ships. But that would have tied up its entire Pacific carrier fleet in one place. And it still wouldn’t have reduced American losses much.</p>
<h2>Attack first?</h2>
<p>On the morning of the battle, each navy frantically searched for its opponent. Since they found each other around the same time, their attacks occurred simultaneously. But if one side had remained undetected, it would have struck first. Only the survivors on the other side could have counterattacked, much like at Midway. What if that had happened at Coral Sea?</p>
<p>Calculations show striking first would have been decisive for either side. It would have been even better than having an extra carrier. The other side’s survivors would have been too weak to counter-attack effectively. Both sides were right to pursue that goal.</p>
<h2>Strategic implications</h2>
<p>This research examined several plausible alternative decisions for the Coral Sea fight. It confirmed the battle easily could have turned out differently. The alternate outcome would have had an impact on the larger war.</p>
<p>For example, suppose the Americans had succeeded in attacking first. Lexington and Yorktown likely would have taken minimal damage. That could have given the U.S. a larger margin of safety defending Midway one month later. Shokaku and Zuikaku likely would have sunk, putting the Japanese farther behind in carriers after Midway. That might have shortened the Pacific war.</p>
<p>Conversely, a Japanese first strike would have been disastrous for the United States and Australia. With both American carriers neutralized, Japan would have captured Port Moresby. Both Shokaku and Zuikaku then could have supported the Midway invasion, giving Japan an overwhelming advantage there.</p>
<p>These results remind us that aircraft carriers are both powerful and fragile. Analysts have discussed that contradiction <a href="https://www.usni.org/magazines/proceedings/1925-01/strategic-value-aircraft-carrier">since carriers first arrived</a>. They continue to discuss <a href="http://nationalinterest.org/blog/the-buzz/the-aircraft-carrier-the-weapon-refuses-sink-23975">their pros</a> <a href="https://www.nationalreview.com/2015/10/navy-aircraft-carrier-spending-budget-defense/">and cons</a> now in the era of <a href="https://theconversation.com/missile-interception-from-yemen-to-the-south-china-sea-84676">anti-ship cruise missiles</a>.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/93223/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Michael J. Armstrong was receiving funding from the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council (NSERC) while working on his 2005 study of the battle.</span></em></p>Could the 1942 Battle of the Coral Sea between American and Japanese aircraft carriers have turned out differently?Michael J. Armstrong, Associate professor of operations research, Goodman School of Business, Brock UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/778652017-05-18T05:00:43Z2017-05-18T05:00:43Z$89b shipbuilding plan is a major step forward – but sovereignty remains a problem<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/169882/original/file-20170518-24325-7fkw17.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">The naval shipbuilding plan is undoubtedly a major step forward for industrial capability in Australia.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">AAP/David Mariuz</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Australia’s long-awaited <a href="http://www.defence.gov.au/navalshipbuildingplan/">naval shipbuilding plan</a>, released earlier this week, claims it is a national endeavour:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>… larger and more complex than the Snowy Mountains Hydro-Electric Scheme and the National Broadband Network.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Irrespective of this particular claim’s validity, the investment of A$89 billion for nine new frigates, 12 submarines and 12 offshore patrol vessels is a substantial commitment to Australia’s security. The plan is a comprehensive approach to establishing a continuous program for building these platforms in Australia. </p>
<p>Apart from the future introduction of these and other vessels into service, one of the plan’s key outcomes is a “sovereign Australian capability to deliver affordable and achievable naval shipbuilding and sustainment”. The development of a sovereign capability is stated as “the government’s clear priority”.</p>
<p>But what is sovereignty in this context? And is it attainable from the naval shipbuilding plan?</p>
<h2>Two clear weaknesses</h2>
<p>The plan has two interconnected weaknesses when it comes to sovereignty.</p>
<p>First, the Australian defence industry environment is dominated by companies whose parentage and ultimate control rest offshore. This is not necessarily a bad thing. But given the shipbuilding plan’s focus on Australian jobs and resources, it is a reality that needs confronting. </p>
<p>To that end one might have expected to see, both in this document and in earlier ones, a definition of Australia’s defence industry – what it is and, importantly, what it is not. </p>
<p>The UK’s <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/272203/6697.pdf">2005 description</a> of its defence industry embraces the combination of local and offshore companies contributing to defence outcomes in terms of:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>… where the technology is created, where the skills and intellectual property reside, where the jobs are created and sustained, and where the investment is made. </p>
</blockquote>
<p>A similar definition for Australia would provide a foundation for sovereignty in the shipbuilding environment to be properly assessed. The plan suggests the Australian subsidiaries of offshore companies will be considered as sovereign without discussing how local control might be maintained, and how Australian sensitivities might be tackled.</p>
<p>The proposed definition for defence industry also highlights the second weakness of the shipbuilding plan: it is focused on building and sustaining the structural component (the “float” and “move” aspects), rather than the total capability the ship or submarine represents.</p>
<p>The lists of skills cited as necessary are those primarily associated with building and sustaining the structure. The shipbuilding plan gives scant coverage to the important combat system and weapons elements upon which the war-fighting capability rests. </p>
<p>The plan does not address the industrial capabilities necessary for the local maintenance and improvement of these ships. Access to the detailed design information for the combat and sensor systems in particular is required so that such systems can be upgraded locally if required. An offshore equipment supplier may not give the same priority to our needs. </p>
<p>The plan for naval shipbuilding in Australia says it will source many systems of the future frigate and other naval platforms from the US. However, the closest it gets to recognition of this reality in the context of sovereignty is that:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>Australia’s alliance with the US, and the access to advanced technology and information it provides, will remain critical. </p>
</blockquote>
<p>The plan therefore implies that sovereignty is sought for the “float” and “move” aspects of the naval capabilities, but not necessarily for the important “fight” aspects. This means the systems elements of ships and submarines will be tackled in some other context – outside the naval shipbuilding plan.</p>
<h2>More than just ‘doing stuff’</h2>
<p>The naval shipbuilding plan is undoubtedly a major step forward for industrial capability in Australia. </p>
<p>A successful implementation will provide significant benefits for the Navy in terms of force structure, for industry in terms of a long-term enterprise upon which to grow overall capability and capacity, for innovation, for workers in terms of continuity of effort, and for the development of shipbuilding-related STEM skills. These are all worthy outcomes.</p>
<p>But sovereignty is more than just “doing stuff” in the country. </p>
<p>If the plan really wanted to tackle sovereignty, it should have provided a foundation on which aspects of industrial and operational sovereignty could be properly assessed, prioritised and managed. It would also have addressed the systems aspects of ships, rather than just the structure.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/77865/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Graeme Dunk does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Australia’s long-awaited naval shipbuilding plan has two interconnected weaknesses when it comes to sovereignty.Graeme Dunk, PhD Candidate, Australian National UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/740782017-04-27T03:37:03Z2017-04-27T03:37:03ZAustralian politics explainer: the MV Tampa and the transformation of asylum-seeker policy<p><em>The Conversation is running a <a href="https://theconversation.com/au/topics/australian-politics-explainer-37192">series of explainers</a> on key moments in Australian political history, looking at what happened, its impact then, and its relevance to politics today.</em></p>
<hr>
<p>Some time before August 23 2001, a small Indonesian fishing boat, the KM Palapa 1, left Indonesia en route to Christmas Island with 438 asylum seekers aboard.</p>
<p>Like many before them, the asylum seekers hoped to reach Australia and apply for permanent protection visas. The Palapa’s engines failed in international waters between Indonesia and Australia, and it lay stranded for many days.</p>
<p>On August 26, the MV Tampa, a Norwegian cargo ship en route from Fremantle to Singapore, answered a call from the Australian Coast Guard and rescued the crew and passengers of the Palapa. Makeshift accommodation and bathrooms were organised on the open deck. Pregnant women were among the passengers. </p>
<p>A delegation of five asylum seekers was taken to see the Tampa’s captain, Arne Rhinnan. They pleaded to be taken to Christmas Island (four hours away) and threatened to jump ship if they were returned to Indonesia (11 hours away). Rhinnan told the coast guard he planned to take the rescuees to Christmas Island, which was duly noted. </p>
<p>However, some hours later, Neville Nixon of the Department of Immigration contacted Rhinnan to inform him that the Tampa was not to enter Australian waters – and if it did so, Rhinnan risked imprisonment and fines of up to A$110,000. </p>
<h2>What was its impact?</h2>
<p>It was the prime minister, John Howard, who decided to prevent the Tampa entering Australia. The decision heralded the beginning of a new, executive-led change in policy, which has been the underlying basis of the approach to asylum seekers attempting to reach Australia by boat ever since.</p>
<p>When the 438 asylum seekers left Indonesia on the Palapa, Australia’s policy was to rescue asylum seekers at sea and detain them in Australia while their claims for protection were processed. If their claims were successful, they would be released into the community on permanent protection visas. If they weren’t, they would be returned to their country of origin.</p>
<p>On October 8, six weeks after the Tampa was told it could not enter Australian waters, the Palapa survivors were forcibly removed from the HMAS Manoora onto Nauru. In the intervening period, the Australian government had introduced a policy of boat turnbacks. </p>
<p>The ability to construct and implement this policy less than three months out from an election was an extraordinary achievement of the Howard government, particularly given it involved complex negotiations with a foreign country (Nauru).</p>
<p>Also in this six-week period, ten more boats (now labelled Suspected Illegal Entry Vessels, or SIEVs) attempted to reach Christmas Island. It was a period of high drama. The Australian Navy was under orders to forcibly return boats to Indonesia under Operation Relex. </p>
<p>Several boats sank under navy observation. Despite the best efforts of navy personnel to rescue asylum seekers flailing in the open sea, many people drowned. In the case of SIEV-4, cabinet ministers seized on a navy communication feed that children were being thrown overboard. They immediately made the allegation public; Howard and his immigration minister declared these were not the type of people Australia wanted.</p>
<p>The government maintained its reliance on unverified naval intelligence right up to the federal election on November 10, without providing the navy with an opportunity to correct the record. This politicisation of navy information was the <a href="http://www.aph.gov.au/Parliamentary_Business/Committees/Senate/Former_Committees/maritimeincident/report/index">subject of a Senate inquiry</a> in the next parliament.</p>
<p>Boats ceased arriving altogether after SIEV-10 sank on October 19, killing more than 350 of its 400 passengers. </p>
<p>The exact circumstances of the sinking of SIEV-10 remain uncertain. There can be little doubt, however, that its sinking had a significant deterrent effect on asylum seekers in Indonesia considering the journey to Christmas Island by boat.</p>
<h2>What are its contemporary implications?</h2>
<p>At the time of the Tampa incident, the government’s new policy of boat turnbacks seemed extreme.</p>
<p>However, the government ran a highly successful campaign claiming that the policy was necessary to control Australia’s borders and keep the nation safe, particularly in the aftermath of the September 11 attacks.</p>
<p>The government kept strict control of information. It withheld information about navy operations involving asylum seekers at sea and restricted the access of journalists to Nauru and Christmas Island. It also downplayed the effect of offshore detention on the mental and physical health of asylum seekers, and cast rescuees as undeserving of Australia’s protection – and potentially a risk to security. </p>
<p>The Rudd Labor government ended the Howard government’s asylum-seeker policy in 2007. Offshore detention centres were closed; boat turnbacks ceased. But, from 2010 to 2013, boats began arriving in unprecedented numbers, and Tony Abbott and the Coalition were elected on a platform that included “stopping the boats”. </p>
<p>The Abbott government introduced a new policy mirroring the post-Tampa policy – which included an added sting introduced by the Rudd government prior to the 2013 election that no asylum seeker arriving by boat and processed in an offshore detention centre would ever be resettled in Australia. </p>
<p>This present-day asylum-seeker policy has bipartisan support. It is a direct legacy of the Howard government’s decision to refuse entry to the Tampa in August 2001.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/74078/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Alex Reilly does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The Tampa incident in 2001 has formed the underlying basis of the approach to asylum seekers attempting to reach Australia by boat ever since.Alex Reilly, Deputy Dean and Director of the Public Law and Policy Research Unit, Adelaide Law School, University of AdelaideLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/747752017-03-27T12:31:28Z2017-03-27T12:31:28ZThe return of the Great British ‘manly man’<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/162076/original/image-20170322-31219-rv92aw.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">
</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Mutiny // Pro Co</span></span></figcaption></figure><blockquote>
<p>When ships were made of wood, men were made of steel.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>So begins each episode of Mutiny, the latest in a series of television projects that, taken together, comprise a new “action man” subgenre of popular reality programming. Like <a href="http://www.channel4.com/programmes/the-island-with-bear-grylls">The Island with Bear Grylls</a> before it, Mutiny wants to test if “modern man can endure hardships” like those their predecessors faced. Contemporary television is replete with gruesome tests of survival, fitness, and the ability to face peril with historical (and very manly) stoicism. These series chart our obsession with what modern man, in particular, has lost. </p>
<p>Of course, this is hardly a unique concern. The late-Victorian and early Edwardian era saw the development of “muscular Christianity”, an imperial ideology that suggested young men could be strengthened both morally and physically by robust engagement with team sports and a public school ethos. Following the crisis in recruitment for the Boer War, and <a href="https://archive.org/details/b21358916">widespread concern</a> about degeneracy and physical health, muscular Christianity offered an antidote to the nation’s decline. Just as the Edwardians were concerned about the shift from the farm to the office, contemporary media is once more fixated on the perceived decline of muscular masculinity.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/162636/original/image-20170327-3276-1994tc7.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/162636/original/image-20170327-3276-1994tc7.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/162636/original/image-20170327-3276-1994tc7.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/162636/original/image-20170327-3276-1994tc7.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/162636/original/image-20170327-3276-1994tc7.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/162636/original/image-20170327-3276-1994tc7.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/162636/original/image-20170327-3276-1994tc7.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Feeling mutinous.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Mutiny // Pro Co</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Mutiny sees Ant Middleton (formerly of the Special Boat Service) leading a motley team of sailors – and non-sailors – in the recreation of the infamously perilous, 4,000 mile journey across the South Pacific, made by Captain William Bligh and his crew after the mutiny on <a href="http://www.rmg.co.uk/discover/explore/william-bligh">the Bounty</a> in 1789. The series offers a blend of historical documentary, textual adaptation (reading rain-soaked passages from Bligh’s journal while riding the crashing waves), and nail-biting action, fulfilling audience desire for nostalgic moral fortitude, team spirit, and pure physical grit.</p>
<h2>SAS dreams</h2>
<p>Following on from Middleton’s role in <a href="http://www.channel4.com/programmes/sas-who-dares-wins">SAS: Who Dares Wins</a>, the show establishes itself firmly within a military discourse which, in many ways, already privileges constructions of ideal masculinity. Originally founded in World War II, the SAS is Britain’s pre-eminent special forces unit, renowned for its gruelling selection process, which places emphasis on physical endurance but also mental agility. Against this disciplined model, modern man is viewed as sedentary, weak, and incapable of surviving outside of his domestic comfort zones. </p>
<figure>
<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/ndH94IZe52A?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
</figure>
<p>One of the contestants of Mutiny, a young, self-styled adventurer from Liverpool called Chris, falls foul of even the simplest of military practices by not obeying his captain. But he also gains empathy from Middleton for being a smart, single-minded maverick who refuses to be told what to do. In this, he is a reincarnation of David Archibald Stirling, the “dreamer” who “lacked the most basic military discipline” – and founder of the SAS.</p>
<p>Stirling’s eccentricities were at the heart of another retelling of the Special Forces story. <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b08f00r9">Rogue Warriors</a> (BBC2) offered new insights, previously unseen footage, and recently-released archival evidence in its retelling of the “world’s most famous combat unit”. </p>
<p>And yet another reality show, <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b088n6yz">Special Forces: Ultimate Hell Week</a>, (also BBC2) ran alongside both these shows. Ultimate Hell Week was the only one to include female contestants, one of whom – Claire Miller – won the first series. One of the instructors continued to argue that women were not suitable regardless of how they performed in the simulated selection process. <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/tvandradio/11832806/Action-woman-puts-male-competitors-to-shame-in-gruelling-Special-Forces-training.html">The Telegraph</a> saw Miller’s victory as “shaming” male competitors, further entrenching the sense of a crisis of British masculinity.</p>
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<iframe width="440" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/kKv3fgp-d4Y?wmode=transparent&start=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>
</figure>
<h2>Rule Britannia</h2>
<p>In the midst of ongoing Brexit negotiations and a resurgent nationalism, this celebration of military masculinity is clearly appealing to those seeking to put the “Great” back in Britain. And when reality shows meet the high seas there is more than a hint of Rule Britannia. Both Mutiny and The Island rely on the pseudo-colonisation of land and supplies for survival, with <a href="http://www.channel4.com/programmes/mutiny/on-demand/62888-003%E2%80%8B">one episode</a> of the former beginning with a ceremonial gifting of the crew’s knife to their Vanuatuan “brothers” at the end of a week of hospitality from the island dwellers.</p>
<p>But it’s not all nationalistic nostalgia. At the same time, Mutiny, like The Island, attempts to offer a vision of British masculinity that is, at least, socially and regionally inclusive. Much like recent celebrations of the military concept of the “band of brothers”, these programmes draw in men from a variety of backgrounds in a celebration of male camaraderie. In many ways, the shows attempt to demonstrate that British men from public schools, call centres, and the prison system alike can prove their mettle against men from the past.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/162635/original/image-20170327-3291-1crr3ke.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/162635/original/image-20170327-3291-1crr3ke.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=439&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/162635/original/image-20170327-3291-1crr3ke.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=439&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/162635/original/image-20170327-3291-1crr3ke.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=439&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/162635/original/image-20170327-3291-1crr3ke.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=551&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/162635/original/image-20170327-3291-1crr3ke.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=551&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/162635/original/image-20170327-3291-1crr3ke.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=551&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Little boat lost.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">Mutiny // Pro Co</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>These programmes offer a vision of a strong national identity that is both gendered and militarised, shaped around the SAS as a culturally tangible construct of British values – the eccentric, adventure-seeking, intelligent male. As Bear Grylls (also former SAS) put it in the first series of The Island: “The idea behind this experiment is to find out whether modern man has lost the ability to look after themselves.” </p>
<p>As the nation steps “out on its own”, reliant on its former glory, these programmes attempt to provide us with a manly, heroic model for survival.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/74775/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Nicola Bishop does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Contemporary television is replete with gruesome tests of survival, charting our obsession with what modern man has lost.Nicola Bishop, Senior Lecturer in English/Film and Television, Manchester Metropolitan UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/679892016-11-07T20:14:12Z2016-11-07T20:14:12ZCooperation is key to securing maritime security in the Indian Ocean<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/144357/original/image-20161103-25359-3ax99k.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Maritime security is a problem in the Indian Ocean. Different countries use a variety of means to protect their regions. </span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">Royal Navy Media Archive/Flickr</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Maritime security is a major challenge for the poorer coastal and island countries of the Indian Ocean Region. In particular those that have large zones of maritime jurisdiction. The Indian Ocean is the world’s <a href="http://theworldsoceans.com/indian.html">third largest ocean</a>. It has an area of around 73.5 million square kilometres. Unlike the Pacific and the Atlantic, it is enclosed on three sides by landmasses.</p>
<p>The Indian Ocean region comprises all the littoral and island states of that ocean. Some of these nations also share borders with the Persian Gulf and Red Sea. There are forty‑eight independent countries in the region including hinterland and landlocked states of East Africa and South Asia. There are 18 in Africa, 11 in the Middle East, seven in South Asia, six in Southeast Asia, five island states, and Australia.</p>
<p>The island states of Madagascar, Mauritius, Maldives and Seychelles, for example, have maritime zones of around 1 million square kilometres or more. Some west Indian Ocean states, notably Somalia and Yemen, also have large maritime zones that are fish rich. They are open to illegal, unregulated and unreported fishing. But also other forms of maritime crime, including piracy, drug and arms smuggling.</p>
<p>Managing maritime security is a challenging endeavour. It requires cooperation between regional countries, and between those with a stake in regional security. Maritime security is no longer the sole prerogative of navies with more non-military agencies now involved.</p>
<p>Maritime security is a priority for the Indian Ocean Rim Association, currently the main <a href="http://www.iora.net/charter.aspx">regional organisation</a> for economic and security cooperation. It recently <a href="http://www.iora.net/media/151273/communiqu__final.pdf">committed</a> its members to working on increasing cooperation among navies and other maritime security forces in the region. The plan is to do this collaboratively with the <a href="http://ions.gov.in/">Indian Ocean Naval Symposium</a>, a voluntary initiative to address shared maritime security challenges and threats. The threats include illegal trafficking in drugs, arms and people, piracy, terrorism, illegal, unregulated and unreported fishing, and the risks of natural disasters.</p>
<p>But there are many challenges with developing effective management in the Indian Ocean region. The diversity of interests among regional countries is a problem. There is no agreement on what encompasses maritime security. African countries in the region are more concerned about local issues of governance, poverty, disease and internal security than the broader strategic issues that concern the wider region. </p>
<p>The African Union has developed the 2050 Africa’s Integrated Maritime <a href="http://www.au.int/en/documents/30928/2050-aim-strategy">strategy</a>. It makes a clear link between maritime security and human security. It does this by drawing attention to threats in the maritime domain. </p>
<p>This strategy provides a framework for cooperation but much more still needs to be done. Obstacles to effective cooperation include, lack of capacity and political will, as well as maritime boundary and <a href="http://ro.uow.edu.au/lhapapers/1192/">sovereignty disputes</a>.</p>
<h2>Much more cooperation needed</h2>
<p>There is clearly a need for enhanced civil maritime security cooperation. This must include coastguards and equivalent national agencies of regional members. In April 2016, a consensus was <a href="http://www.iora.net/media/164376/160414_padang_consensus_as_of_11_35_pm.pdf">recognised</a>, looking at the importance of cooperation between navies, coastguards and other agencies. The aim was to develop cooperation to tackle traditional and non-traditional threats in the region.</p>
<p>Many countries in the region have separate navies and coast guards. Exceptions include Madagascar, Mozambique, Kenya, Tanzania, Myanmar, South Africa, Thailand and Timor-Leste that only have navies. Mauritius, Seychelles and Maldives only have coast guards. </p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/144356/original/image-20161103-25362-1ghsxjx.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/144356/original/image-20161103-25362-1ghsxjx.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/144356/original/image-20161103-25362-1ghsxjx.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/144356/original/image-20161103-25362-1ghsxjx.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/144356/original/image-20161103-25362-1ghsxjx.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/144356/original/image-20161103-25362-1ghsxjx.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/144356/original/image-20161103-25362-1ghsxjx.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/144356/original/image-20161103-25362-1ghsxjx.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Somalia is a region where there is massive illegal, unregulated and underreported fishing.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/albanyassociates/8569063626/in/photolist-e4dG5j-e4sPTU-e4sQWd-ykgLAE-xqFWic-y5ZbYN-y5Rbxd-yo9js8-xqqoff-y5W2J3-yocEYc-y5Qc1w-y5WZy7-ymDDoQ-ykgEKb-y5VQjP-ymDJvJ-yohpKX-ykciws-xqw7dd-y5WFQS-y5ZgHh-y65wEc-y5X4WM-ykgjG5-y5R6Hd-ymCfcb-y5W5mh-yk8pAj-y5WZBK-y5W1e8-xqEqeB-xqyJXa-y62iUt-xqGGj8-yk8Gnf-y5XW6J-ykgAZA-ynxHox-e484SB-5EsUiL-ztNk6-e4dG2J-5EsUp3-4dRcrZ-5NEXyL-eYVzmV-Hu13D-eZ7YrU-eYVBnx">Albany Associates/Flickr</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Indonesia has recently established a coast guard despite some reluctance by other agencies to concede responsibilities to the new force. Kenya has rejected its earlier plan for a coast guard. Instead the country chose to boost inter-agency <a href="http://www.businessdailyafrica.com/Kenya-shelves-coast-guard-plan-for-inter-agency-security/1248928-3177808-mmuvd/index.html">coordination</a>. The South African Navy performs the coast guard function and shows characteristics of a coast guard rather <a href="http://www.armsdeal-vpo.co.za/articles15/coast%20guard.html">than a navy</a>.</p>
<p>France and its Indian Ocean territories, like Reunion and Mayotte, are an interesting case. France uses its navy in coast guard roles along with some other European countries, including Portugal and Spain. A similar principle has been followed by former French and Portuguese colonies in the region, like Madagascar and Timor-Leste. Even former British colonies Kenya and Tanzania display a strong institutional impulse based on the colonial legacy to maintain distinctly <a href="http://africacenter.org/2009/12/navies-versus-coast-guards-defining-the-roles-of-african-maritime-security-forces">military structures</a>.</p>
<h2>Regional architecture</h2>
<p>Another hurdle is the lack of effective regional architecture for the task. The Indian Ocean Rim Association has broad oversight, but most initial effort is through the Indian Ocean Naval Symposium. However, there is some scepticism about the symposium’s ability to make a broader contribution to maritime security. There is too much focus much on naval cooperation risks, diverting attention from real requirements. </p>
<p>These include maritime governance, capacity-building, developing national legislation, development, and <a href="http://www.cardiff.ac.uk/__data/assets/pdf_file/0013/42412/dr-christian-bueger.pdf">poverty alleviation</a>. A regional forum of civil agencies involved in maritime security might help overcome this challenge.</p>
<p>The involvement of extra-regional countries in regional arrangements is also a challenge. The major powers of the United States, China and Japan have legitimate interests in regional maritime security. But there are sensitivities as to how involved they should be.</p>
<p>Given these challenges, sub-regional cooperation may be more achievable. For example, cooperation through organisations like the Indian Ocean Commission in the Southwest Indian Ocean, the Gulf Cooperation Council and the African Union. This may be the most effective way of taking regional maritime security management forward.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/67989/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Sam Bateman does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Managing maritime security is a challenging endeavour. Forms of maritime crime include piracy, drug and arms smuggling.Sam Bateman, Professorial Fellow, Australian National Centre for Ocean Resources and Security, University of WollongongLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/580602016-04-26T03:22:48Z2016-04-26T03:22:48ZFrench company DCNS wins race to build Australia’s next submarine fleet: experts respond<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/120129/original/image-20160426-1335-1a18zxy.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">DCNS' ‘Shortfin Barracuda’ was the winning design for Australia’s next submarine fleet.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">AAP/DCNS Group</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Australia’s next fleet of submarines will be built by French company DCNS but constructed in South Australia, Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull <a href="http://www.malcolmturnbull.com.au/media/future-submarine-program">announced on Tuesday</a>.</p>
<p>DCNS beat competing bids from German and Japanese manufacturers to win the contract. The fleet of 12, which is to replace the Collins-class submarines, will come at an estimated cost of A$50 billion. The government claims the project will:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>… directly sustain around 1,100 Australian jobs and a further 1,700 Australian jobs through the supply chain.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>The Conversation’s experts respond to key aspects of the announcement below.</p>
<hr>
<h2>What does it mean for local jobs and South Australia?</h2>
<p><strong>John Spoehr, Director, Australian Industrial Transformation Institute, Flinders University</strong></p>
<p>This announcement is one of the building blocks needed to accelerate transformation of South Australia’s ailing manufacturing industry. </p>
<p>Next year will see the closure of the heart of Australia’s automotive manufacturing industry – much of which is concentrated in South Australia. This alone was going to lead to the loss of thousands of jobs in Adelaide’s northern and southern suburbs. </p>
<p>The threat of closure of Arrium’s steel manufacturing and mining operations now hangs over the state. These operations employ around 3,000 people in Whyalla.</p>
<p>A circuit-breaker like the submarine project was urgently needed to instil some hope in South Australia. On its own it won’t solve the short-term problem of job losses in the automotive industry, but it can lay the foundations for the growth of a robust advanced manufacturing sector in South Australia.</p>
<p>Projects of this scale and complexity help underpin more rapid uptake and diffusion of advanced technologies and workplace innovation. This is essential to the successful roll-out of a project like this. And it is enormously beneficial for other industry sectors that can grow more rapidly on the back of this long-term investment.</p>
<p>The choice of the French option is particularly interesting. The Japanese were the favourites to begin with, but they were not as committed to a local build as the other bidders. The Germans offered a local build. The French put forward a hybrid build – with the first of the submarines being manufactured in France. </p>
<p>From an economic development and jobs point of view, the challenge will be to ensure a smooth and certain transition to a local build as soon as possible. This will require a sophisticated knowledge-and-skills-transfer program to ensure that opportunity is maximised.</p>
<h2>What does it mean for our foreign relations?</h2>
<p><strong>Nick Bisley, Executive Director of La Trobe Asia and Professor of International Relations, La Trobe University</strong></p>
<p>Since the 2009 Defence White Paper, Australia has been committed to a new generation of submarines. The Abbott government got within weeks of announcing that Japanese contractors would build the boats. The unsuccessful leadership spill in February 2015 resulted in the competitive evaluation process that led to the selection of the French firm DCNS.</p>
<p>The government has rightly emphasised that the decision was a merit-based one. The most important factors related to questions such as cost, reliability, operations and the like. </p>
<p>But a fleet of submarines is not a fleet of trucks. The decision has obvious strategic and foreign policy implications. </p>
<p>The conventional wisdom had been that Australia would take the J-option as the culmination of significant tightening of the strategic links between two of America’s most important Asian allies. That Australia did not go with Japan will clearly hurt that relationship to some degree, but it won’t be a major setback.</p>
<p>Although relationship management will be challenging because of the humiliating way in which information was leaked prior to the formal announcement, overall the decision will be more of a roadbump than a significant roadblock. </p>
<p>Japan and Australia have become one another’s most important strategic partners after the US. The reasons for this – the convergence of strategic interests and their shared commitment to the prevailing regional order – mean that the underlying relationship will continue on its long-run trajectory. </p>
<p>Unusually, Australia has a relatively strong hand in the relationship. Japan needs support for its broader security transformation, and it has relatively few friends in Asia. It had been thought that the submarine deal was part of this support – with Australia helping Japan to become a defence exporter – yet it is likely that there will be some other defence procurement of a lower profile and lower risk that Australia will put toward Japan.</p>
<p>While China is likely to be pleased that Japan was unsuccessful, it was not overly concerned about the decision itself. Its concerns remain with what it perceives to be a regional order stacked against its interests.</p>
<p>After Japan, the US will probably be the most disappointed party. The US clearly was hoping that Australia would go with Japan due its desire to support Japan’s broader strategic development and the ties that it would cement between two of its key partners. </p>
<p>That the decision pleases China and displeases both Japan and the US means that Australia’s submarine choice might be seen as a metaphor for Australia’s broader strategic dilemma. But this is to misunderstand the more complex forces that Australia needs to balance in its international dealings. </p>
<p>Australian diplomats will be managing the fact that many will make this mistake. And it is testimony to the region’s febrile nature that this decision has taken on such a stature.</p>
<h2>What were the technological considerations?</h2>
<p><strong>Stephan Fruehling, Associate Professor, ANU College of Asia and the Pacific, Australian National University</strong></p>
<p>By selecting a French bidder to build its next fleet of submarines, Australia is entering a long-term relationship with the only Western country that designs and builds both conventional and nuclear-powered submarines.</p>
<p>Since the survival of a large part of France’s nuclear arsenal hinges on the survival of its submarines, Australia’s new partner is committed to remaining at the forefront of submarine technology.</p>
<p>Australia’s own submarine requirements are driven by the long distances its navy has to deal with in the Indo-Pacific region. No existing submarine provides the range and endurance Australia is looking for. Japan offered a modification of the existing Soryu submarine; Germany’s Thyssen-Krupp proposed a new design based on the smaller Type 214.</p>
<p>DCNS’ proposal is a conventionally powered boat derived from the Barracuda class – the “Shortfin Barracuda”. It was the largest design in the competition at 4,500 tonnes. </p>
<p>In recent weeks, reports that Japan’s design had been ranked third seem to have confirmed the judgement of many submarine experts that the Soryu contained several limitations in its layout and acoustic proofing.</p>
<p>Choosing France’s proposal over Germany’s, Australia will avoid the risks that may come with significantly scaling up a smaller submarine design. However, the Shortfin Barracuda also comes with its own unique technical risks. In particular, Australia’s new submarines will be the only conventionally powered boats using pump jets for propulsion, rather than a propeller at the rear. </p>
<p>While pump jets promise acoustic quieting and are common on nuclear-powered boats, some experts have questioned its efficiency and performance at the slower patrol speeds typical for conventional submarines. At the same time, the German technology for air-independent propulsion is generally seen as more advanced than France’s.</p>
<p>There was a lot of focus on the strategic implications of the Japanese bid. But France’s own position as a regional power – with sovereign territory in the oceans to Australia’s west and east, and a continuing military presence in the region – promises much of the commonality of interest without the strategic drawbacks that some saw in the Japanese proposal. </p>
<p>And, perhaps most importantly, France can offer one thing that Japan and Germany cannot, even if it is unlikely to have featured in the evaluation of the bids: if Australia ever wants to acquire nuclear-powered submarines, it now has a partner that could offer that too.</p>
<h2>Will it meet our needs?</h2>
<p><strong>Hans J. Ohff, Visiting Fellow, University of Adelaide</strong></p>
<p>I have my doubts as to whether any of the three contenders had the right answer for Australia’s future naval needs. Australia owns the intellectual property of the Collins-class submarines. At 3,000 tonnes, an evolved Collins would match or better anything a 4,500-tonne boat can throw at it. </p>
<p>At more than 4,500-tonne submerged displacement, a conventional submarine loses its signature advantage (noise, infrared, radar when on the surface) compared to a nuclear-powered submarine.</p>
<p>The French Navy operates submarines across the five oceans. The French bidder, DCNS, argued that the experience and propulsion technology they transferred from their conventional and nuclear submarines made them the preferred candidate to build Australia’s future submarines. And they turned out to be right.</p>
<p>But it’s a shame that in Australia we always reach for the stars rather keeping our feet on the ground. While the French ran a brilliant campaign, the Germans and Japanese both ran very poor campaigns.</p>
<p><em>Editor’s note: you can read Hans Ohff’s analysis piece on the decision <a href="http://theconversation.com/why-the-french-submarine-won-the-bid-to-replace-the-collins-class-58223">here</a>.</em></p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/58060/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Hans J. Ohff is the former CEO of the Australian Submarine Corporation.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>Nick Bisley is a member of the Australian Institute for International Affairs' national executive.</span></em></p><p class="fine-print"><em><span>John Spoehr and Stephan Fruehling do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The Conversation’s experts respond to key aspects of the announcement that French company DCNS will be build Australia’s next fleet of submarines.John Spoehr, Director, Australian Industrial Transformation Institute, Flinders UniversityHans J. Ohff, Visiting Fellow, University of AdelaideNick Bisley, Executive Director of La Trobe Asia and Professor of International Relations, La Trobe UniversityStephan Fruehling, Associate Professor, ANU College of Asia and the Pacific, Australian National UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/333432014-10-23T05:03:27Z2014-10-23T05:03:27ZHow to find a submarine (no, it’s not just a case of flicking the sonar on)<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/62545/original/pxbkktxt-1413997899.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Sub hunting: not easy.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:US_Navy_101210-N-6720T-142_The_Los_Angeles-class_attack_submarine_USS_Houston_(SSN_713)_leads_a_formation_of_ships_from_USS_George_Washington_(CVN.jpg">Adam K Thomas/USN</a></span></figcaption></figure><p>Das Boot, The Hunt for Red October, The Bedford Incident, We Dive At Dawn: films based on submariners’ experience reflect the tense and unusual nature of undersea warfare – where it is often not how well armed or armoured a boat is that counts, but how quiet.</p>
<p>Submarines generate sound from their machinery and crew, and sound waves from other submarines or surface ships are used to find them. But of course submarines don’t want to be found. With the Swedish Navy <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/oct/21/sweden-cold-war-submarine-hunt-russia-vessel-military">currently hunting</a> what is believed to be a Russian mini-submarine in Swedish Baltic waters, how can unseen boats below the water be detected?</p>
<h2>Echolocation</h2>
<p>Sonar devices reveal objects below the surface by directing sound waves into the ocean and recording the sound waves reflected back. This is called active sonar – a form of echolocation much like that used by bats. Radar is also similar, but uses radio waves instead of sound. </p>
<p>Active sonar sources and receivers – essentially underwater loudspeakers and microphones – are usually distributed along a rope in an array and towed behind a ship. The length of the array is the equivalent to the aperture of a lens in optics: the longer the array the more sound it will receive, resulting in a higher definition and better quality sonar image. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/62544/original/pnqmk2g5-1413997676.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/62544/original/pnqmk2g5-1413997676.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=322&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/62544/original/pnqmk2g5-1413997676.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=322&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/62544/original/pnqmk2g5-1413997676.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=322&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/62544/original/pnqmk2g5-1413997676.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=404&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/62544/original/pnqmk2g5-1413997676.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=404&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/62544/original/pnqmk2g5-1413997676.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=404&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">What sound goes out, comes back.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Sonar_Principle_EN.svg">Dr. Schorsch</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/">CC BY-SA</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Sonar works well if the submarine has a highly reflective steel surface and is surrounded by water at a constant temperature. But in the deep ocean the water temperature varies, which causes the water density to vary. This changing density creates an effect called the <a href="http://ww2010.atmos.uiuc.edu/(Gh)/wwhlpr/thermocline.rxml">thermocline</a>, which acts as a barrier, causing sound energy to bend away. A canny submarine captain can use the thermocline to good effect, effectively shielding the submarine from view.</p>
<p>Another ruse (one often seen in the films) is for a submarine to hide itself by coming to rest on the ocean floor, or near ocean cliffs and trenches. Here it’s difficult for the sonar to distinguish between echoes from rocks and from the submarine. If this wasn’t enough, modern submarines are shaped in such a way to minimise reflections, and are covered in coated tiles to absorb sound and minimise the boat’s profile even further. </p>
<h2>Listening in</h2>
<p>While sonar is well known, it’s rarely actually used to hunt submarines as it’s too easy to hide from the incoming sound waves. Instead modern <a href="http://fas.org/man/dod-101/sys/ac/asw.htm">anti-submarine warfare</a> systems are actually extremely sensitive listening devices which rely on the submarine giving away its position by the sounds it makes. This is known as passive sonar.</p>
<p>Surviving below the ocean without making any sound is pretty much impossible. Keeping the submariners quiet is the easy part. Much harder is keeping the submarine’s complex systems quiet – such as the machinery used to circulate air for the crew, or the boat’s engines. </p>
<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/62543/original/gmsdts46-1413997571.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/62543/original/gmsdts46-1413997571.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/62543/original/gmsdts46-1413997571.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/62543/original/gmsdts46-1413997571.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/62543/original/gmsdts46-1413997571.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/62543/original/gmsdts46-1413997571.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/62543/original/gmsdts46-1413997571.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/62543/original/gmsdts46-1413997571.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Submarines have been getting quieter.</span>
<span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Sub_Noise_Comparison_ENG.svg">Voytek S</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">CC BY</a></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>So the first thing a submarine wishing to hide does is to shut down all unnecessary systems and, most importantly, come to a stop. This is important – a moving submarine disturbs the water, and the sound of the moving water leaves an imprint of sound waves that can be detected by the pursuer’s highly sensitive microphones. </p>
<h2>Countermeasures</h2>
<p>Given how hard it is to remain silent, submarine designers have spent a lot of time thinking of ways to minimise the sounds their systems make. For example <a href="http://fas.org/man/dod-101/sys/ship/eng/reactor.html">naval nuclear power plants</a> not only allow long missions at sea between refuelling but can also be cooled without using pumps, a source of noise. The final protection is the outer layer of tiles, which both reduce echoes from incoming sound waves and also reduce transmission of sound from within the submarine out into the ocean.</p>
<p>To find a submarine in the Baltic Sea is a challenge, as this area of relatively shallow waters is strewn with lots of small islands. To get the highest resolution images with active and passive sensors would require large arrays, often kilometres in length, to be towed behind quite large ships. But the complex ocean terrain makes doing so really tricky. In all probability Sweden will use relatively small arrays, and while these are still effective for detection, they are less able to discriminate between objects and pretty poor at accurate location.</p>
<p>All of which <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/europe/sweden/11178965/Sweden-promises-to-use-force-over-Russian-sub-as-Baltic-hide-and-seek-goes-on.html">explains the current situation</a>: the navy knows there is a submarine out there, but they just don’t know where. Ultimately there are just too many good places for a submarine to hide in this region. The hunt continues.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/33343/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Bruce Drinkwater has received funding for research from the UK EPSRC and MoD as well as BAE Systems, Rolls-Royce Plc and ATLAS Electronik, all of whom are involved in aspects of submarine manufacture. </span></em></p>Das Boot, The Hunt for Red October, The Bedford Incident, We Dive At Dawn: films based on submariners’ experience reflect the tense and unusual nature of undersea warfare – where it is often not how well…Bruce Drinkwater, Professor of Ultrasonics, University of BristolLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/296612014-07-24T13:37:57Z2014-07-24T13:37:57ZWhy fighting pirates in African waters is crucial to our security<p>When we sip our morning coffee or snack on a piece of chocolate, we hardly think about how these products came to us. The answer is: they were transported by sea. In fact, pretty much all the goods we consume reach us this way, with African waterways being the major shipping route between China and Europe.</p>
<p>Yet what happens out on the world’s lonely oceans remains a mystery to us. A recent study showed <a href="http://www.dailymail.co.uk/wires/pa/article-2668038/POLL-REVEALS-UKS-SEA-BLINDNESS.html">we all suffer from this kind of “seablindness”</a>. Even the small percentage of people who are aware of the importance of shipping can’t imagine the dangers that hundreds of ships and crew face from piracy. Between 2008 and 2011 <a href="http://oceansbeyondpiracy.org/publications/state-maritime-piracy-2013">hundreds of ships were attacked off the Somali coast</a>. Vessels were hijacked and seafarers held hostage, many for months and years. </p>
<p>Now, it seems, <a href="http://www.shipping.nato.int/Pages/Piracystatistics.aspx">all is quiet</a>. The pirates of Somalia haven’t successfully hijacked a ship for more than two years. In part, that’s because the shipping industry has learned to fight pirates, but also because navies now patrol the Western Indian Ocean.</p>
<p>Fighting pirates with war ships is successful, but costly, and navies cannot maintain their presence forever. The current mandates of NATO and the EU run until 2016 and it is unclear whether they will be extended. But if navies pull out it is likely that piracy will return. Their networks remain intact and attempts by pirate gangs to attack vessels continue.</p>
<p>If navies cannot stay, what are the long-term answers to piracy? One lies in <a href="https://theconversation.com/want-to-stop-somali-piracy-build-better-roads-29062">helping Somalis rebuild their country</a>, but creating prosperity takes decades. In any case, state failure is not the only cause of piracy. Nigeria and Indonesia face piracy, too and these are hardly broken states. Both show that better economic infrastructures may simply lead to different forms of piracy (better organised robberies, for example) rather than ending it.</p>
<h2>A transnational challenge</h2>
<p>All the evidence shows piracy is a transnational challenge. Tackling the menace requires regional and international co-operation. Building a regional infrastructure is the most promising approach to keeping the sea-lanes safe.</p>
<p>In a research project at Cardiff University, we study the progress of regional maritime security strategies in Africa and how the international community can help them. Our first results, recently published in the <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/19392206.2013.853579">journal African Security</a>, show much has been achieved. </p>
<p>Long-term plans have been drawn up, information has been shared and training centres have been built. The International Maritime Organisation, the European Union or the US have invested, but the infrastructure remains fragile. More training and education will be needed, together with investment in long-range patrol vessels and other equipment.</p>
<h2>Integrated strategy</h2>
<p>One of the latest achievements was the conclusion of the African Union’s <a href="http://pages.au.int/maritime">Integrated Maritime Strategy</a> earlier this year. It sets out how African nations intend to tackle piracy and commits them to take ownership of the security of their maritime domains. </p>
<p>The blueprint sends a powerful message: we must not think about piracy as an isolated issue that is limited to one area – geographically or economically. It is linked to illegal fishing, smuggling and trafficking of goods across the continent. These are all issues that have to be tackled, alongside activity in the water. Strengthening coast guards and better maritime law enforcement is required – as well as regulation of the sea. As the strategy also makes clear, governing the seas better opens the door to economic development. </p>
<p>The strategy sets high goals for 2050. Much appears wildly ambitious and the African Union still has to make it all happen. But co-operation between nations is its cornerstone and, given the devastating state of maritime security, ambition is certainly needed.</p>
<p>The African Union celebrates its first African Day of Seas and Oceans on July 25. It’s a day established as a part of this new strategy which aims raise awareness, to applaud the African Union and to ensure international support. Piracy will only end if regional support is built and African nations act together to tackle it. </p>
<p>So when we go to the shopping temples of our high streets or sip a cup of coffee, we should remind ourselves how vital the sea is for us – and that Africa’s security is ours as well.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/29661/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Christian Bueger receives funding from the Economic and Social Research Council (ES/K008358/1).</span></em></p>When we sip our morning coffee or snack on a piece of chocolate, we hardly think about how these products came to us. The answer is: they were transported by sea. In fact, pretty much all the goods we…Christian Bueger, Reader in International Relations, Cardiff UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/229412014-02-10T02:05:39Z2014-02-10T02:05:39ZWith Navy’s record of abuse, asylum boat claims can’t be ignored<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/41082/original/wd638cq2-1391989169.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Australians have become very aware of the negative cultural tendencies of the ADF.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">AAP/Scott Fisher</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Prime minister Tony Abbott’s three-word slogan “stop the boats” may be meeting its promise. Last Friday, Abbott was “very pleased” to point out that it was the “50th day without an illegal boat arriving in Australia”. However, what damage is the policy doing to the Australian Navy’s reputation? </p>
<p>Cabinet ministers reacted with mawkish nationalism to <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2014-01-22/australian-navy-accused-of-beating-burning-asylum-seekers/5211996">ABC</a> and <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/federal-politics/political-news/witness-details-burns-claims-20140206-324pw.html">Fairfax Media</a> reports of Navy misconduct towards asylum seekers – including allegations of asylum seekers’ hands being deliberately burnt – exposing a soft spot in the government’s hardline immigration policy. Clearly, it is akin to treason to <a href="https://theconversation.com/yumi-and-ben-the-militarisation-of-australia-and-the-democratisation-of-hate-5684">question Australia’s defence institutions</a>.</p>
<p>The politicisation of the military threatens the national interest by using the Navy as its stooge. It is damage that cannot be controlled by a populist appeal to military innocence nor by maligning the ABC and its journalistic independence.</p>
<p>On January 22, the ABC reported that the Navy had boarded an asylum seeker vessel. Asylum seekers alleged they had been treated inhumanely. The ABC reported the passenger’s claims as worthy of further investigation. </p>
<p>Here was an example of the media acting as a fourth estate, which is especially important in a climate of government-driven <a href="https://theconversation.com/operation-sovereign-borders-dignified-silence-or-diminishing-democracy-21294">clandestine military operations</a>. When the Australian public are kept in the dark, it is the media’s role to illuminate and inform. It is an important element of democratic relations. </p>
<p>The claims generated a storm of ministerial outbursts. Abbott recommended that the ABC’s editorial policy should be sympathetic to the <a href="http://www.theaustralian.com.au/media/tony-abbott-says-abc-takes-everyones-side-but-our-own/story-e6frg996-1226812877925">“home team”</a>, and an immediate <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2014-01-30/efficiency-study/5228690">efficiency review</a> of the ABC (and SBS) was announced. Immigration minister Scott Morrison described the reports as <a href="http://www.news.com.au/national/defence-minister-david-johnston-hits-back-at-unfounded-slurs-against-australian-navy/story-fncynjr2-1226820252521">“malicious and unfounded slurs”</a>.</p>
<p>Defence minister David Johnston was almost lachrymose, <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/feb/07/abc-asylum-seeker-reporting-makes-me-stick-to-stomach-says-david-johnston">saying</a> that the ABC’s “hearsay, innuendo and rumour” made him “sick to the stomach”. Foreign minister Julie Bishop <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2014-02-05/bishop-wants-abc-apology-over-asylum-seeker-stories/5238788">led the call</a> for an ABC apology to the Navy.</p>
<p>ABC managing director Mark Scott <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2014-02-04/mark-scott-kate-torney-asylum-seeker-wording-more-precise/5238180">publicly responded</a> with regret if the reports led anyone to believe that the alleged abuse was beyond doubt. The ABC should have been more precise in its reporting, but that is not in itself any evidence of bias against the home team, Scott said. </p>
<p>Yet the story has refused to go away. Fairfax Media later interviewed the asylum seekers who reported the use of capsicum spray and the prohibition of the use of toilets. Navy personnel are alleged to have used racist slurs such as “Oh, you’re a monkey from Africa”, and:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>F— you … You choose to come from your country, we don’t ask you to come.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>Navy chief Ray Griggs <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/political-news/asylum-seekers-burns-claims-baseless-say-australian-defence-chiefs-20140122-3196l.html">has denied</a> the claims that Navy personnel forcibly burnt the hands of asylum seekers, <a href="https://twitter.com/CN_Australia/status/425860405051654146">saying</a> on Twitter:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>Based on everything I know there is no basis to these allegations - none.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>As a former serving member of the Australian Defence Force (ADF), I understand the pressure and the urgency in such situations. I also know that in most cases the ADF operates in a professional manner. But the Navy is not beyond reproach as the various government ministers would have us believe. In fact, their overstated umbrage requires us to test their claims.</p>
<p>Over the years, Australians have become very aware of the negative cultural tendencies of the ADF. The <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/national/its-hmas-sexcess-20100403-rkql.html">HMAS Success investigations</a> in 2010 illuminated a culture of male tribalism that involved systematic sexual predation and binge drinking. </p>
<p>The <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2013-11-09/adfa-cadet-sacked-over-skype-sex-scandal/5080834">Skype incident</a> sparked a <a href="http://www.defence.gov.au/pathwaytochange/docs/DLAPiper/index.htm">review</a> by legal firm DLA Piper into physical, sexual and other abuse by defence personnel. DLA Piper reported on systematic and entrenched cultures of abuse across the ADF going back 50 years. The HMAS <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/7.30/content/2012/s3537387.htm">Leeuwin</a> and <a href="http://www.news.com.au/national/drug-abuse-among-sailors-based-at-hmas-cerberus-was-rife-inquiry-hears/story-e6frfkvr-1226102194543">Cerberus</a> have also been revealed in recent years as two particularly toxic and dangerous environments to serve in. </p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/41084/original/78jgnmf2-1391989344.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/41084/original/78jgnmf2-1391989344.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=421&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/41084/original/78jgnmf2-1391989344.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=421&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/41084/original/78jgnmf2-1391989344.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=421&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/41084/original/78jgnmf2-1391989344.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=529&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/41084/original/78jgnmf2-1391989344.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=529&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/41084/original/78jgnmf2-1391989344.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=529&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">David Johnston and Tony Abbott were among the government ministers to leap to the defence of the Australian Navy.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">AAP/Nikki Short</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>Ritual initiations involving the abuse of junior seamen were <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2013-11-07/navy-ship-embroiled-in-claims-of-hazing-ritual-sexual-assault/5077354">reported</a> late last year. Senior seamen had inserted bottles and pens into the bottoms of their colleagues in a bizarre ritual of fraternity. This was all on board the HMAS Ballarat, a vessel engaged in border protection.</p>
<p>Late last month, the Australian media <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/national/navy-probe-as-personnel-are-linked-to-racist-australian-defence-league-20140125-31fre.html">reported</a> on an ADF investigation into a racist Facebook page hosted by a far-right group, the Australia Defence League (ADL). In one post, a Navy member wrote: “I’m about to head out today to deal with these f—ers” in response to an ADL post that asylum seekers came to Australia “to jump on Centrelink and get free government housing”. </p>
<p>The tenor of this group is distinctly tribal, white Australian and nationalist. Last week’s ministerial sentiment and the government’s current immigration policy is the sustaining voice of such dispositions.</p>
<p>The ADF recognises the danger of tribalism unleashed. The 2011 ADF personal conduct <a href="http://www.defence.gov.au/pathwaytochange/docs/personalconductpersonnel/Review%20of%20Personal%20Conduct%20of%20ADF%20Personnel_full%20report.pdf">review</a> explained that “tribalism” represents a paradox. On the one hand, it underlies that group cohesion required, for example, to mobilise seamen for an offshore boarding. However, tribalism also creates the conditions of excessive defensiveness marked by intense prejudice toward others.</p>
<p>The review also recognised the importance for relations of trust between the government, the ADF and the Australian people. The current government’s border protection policy treats this important principle with disregard. Former Navy Captain John Ingram, involved in managing refugees in the 1980s, knows this well. In a recent <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2014-01-27/coalition-boats-policy-morally-indefensible-says-john-ingram/5220886">media interview</a>, he explained that:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>The concept of turning boats back is absolutely abhorrent. I have an issue with the hardline approach, the fact that RAN sailors are (now) being used for political purposes.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>The policy, Ingram argued, is generating anger and confusion within Navy ranks. It is also generating significant public distrust. </p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/22941/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Ben Wadham does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Prime minister Tony Abbott’s three-word slogan “stop the boats” may be meeting its promise. Last Friday, Abbott was “very pleased” to point out that it was the “50th day without an illegal boat arriving…Ben Wadham, Senior Lecturer, Flinders UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/229392014-02-07T04:12:42Z2014-02-07T04:12:42ZNavy burns: the government’s obligation to investigate<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/40986/original/pzw3kwvj-1391742724.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&rect=144%2C0%2C1799%2C1152&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">The government should have focused on a proper investigation into allegations that asylum seekers' hands were deliberately burned by the Navy.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">ABC</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>The Abbott government has reacted indignantly to allegations by Sudanese asylum seeker Yousif Ibrahim Fasher that asylum seekers were mistreated and had their hands deliberately burnt by Australian Navy personnel.</p>
<p>In an <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/federal-politics/political-news/witness-details-burns-claims-20140206-324pw.html">interview</a> with Fairfax Media published today, Fasher added considerable detail to his previous claims, including allegations that Navy personnel restricted asylum seekers’ toilet access. Prime minister Tony Abbott refused to provide any Navy-recorded footage of the alleged incidents. He <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/political-news/david-johnston-calls-for-inquiry-into-abc-over-its-reports-of-claims-navy-personnel-abused-asylum-seekers-20140207-325ze.html#ixzz2sbUBNq7A">maintained</a> this morning that:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>I don’t want to do anything that would cast aspersions on the professionalism of our naval and customs personnel. I have nothing but respect for them … and I have seen nothing that credibly casts any doubts on that professionalism.</p>
</blockquote>
<p>The facts of the incident remain contested. There is, however, a clear legal answer to what should have happened once the allegations were made.</p>
<p>Under international law, Australia has an obligation to impartially investigate allegations of torture or other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment, to criminally punish perpetrators, and to provide effective remedies (including compensation) to victims. These obligations arise under treaties to which Australia voluntarily committed itself: the United Nations <a href="http://www.un.org/documents/ga/res/39/a39r046.htm">Convention against Torture</a>, and Article 7 of the <a href="http://www.ohchr.org/en/professionalinterest/pages/ccpr.aspx">International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights</a>.</p>
<p>These obligations were enacted into Australian domestic law a few years ago. The federal crime of torture is set out in Section 274.2 of the Commonwealth Criminal Code.</p>
<p>Under both Australian and international law, torture is defined as the intentional infliction, by a public official, of severe physical or mental pain or suffering, for the purpose of intimidating, coercing, punishing, discriminating against, or obtaining a confession from any person.</p>
<p>The crime of torture has extraterritorial effect, meaning that it is still an offence even if it is committed by Australian personnel outside Australian territory.</p>
<p>The reported allegations of hand-burning by the Navy come within this definition, in particular by punishing asylum seekers for visiting the toilet, and thereby also intimidating others to not go to the toilet. The accidental burns also reported are not torture.</p>
<p>Faced with such allegations, the proper course of action for any responsible government should have been to call on the Navy to conduct a full and impartial investigation to determine if there was any breach of the Navy’s operational and disciplinary rules. The government should also have referred the allegations to the Australian Federal Police to investigate whether there is evidence of the federal crime of torture.</p>
<p>The government should then have publicly stated that Navy personnel are entitled to the presumption of innocence pending the outcome of investigations, and that the asylum seekers are entitled to have their allegations properly investigated. It should also have said that the government will not give a running political commentary on matters under investigation.</p>
<p>This is what a responsible government committed to military discipline, the rule of law and human rights would have done.</p>
<p>Instead, the government has <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/21-questions-one-answer-investigating-the-burns-allegations-20140206-3250j.html">childishly asserted</a> that the Navy can do no wrong, that asylum seekers are liars and that the ABC has it in for them. There has been no impartial, credible investigation. </p>
<p>The Navy and the Australian Federal Police have not bothered to interview those making the allegations or other asylum seeker witnesses. It is little wonder that the government takes the side of the alleged perpetrators when it has ignored the alleged victims.</p>
<p>The government’s hyper-patriotic defence of the Navy is dangerous. It signals to military personnel that they are above the law and fosters a culture of impunity. It dehumanises asylum seekers as people whose suffering means nothing to us. It sacrifices the Australian values of human rights and legality on the pitiless altar of “border protection”.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/22939/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Ben Saul does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>The Abbott government has reacted indignantly to allegations by Sudanese asylum seeker Yousif Ibrahim Fasher that asylum seekers were mistreated and had their hands deliberately burnt by Australian Navy…Ben Saul, Professor of International Law, Sydney Centre for International Law, University of SydneyLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.tag:theconversation.com,2011:article/212942014-01-08T03:23:54Z2014-01-08T03:23:54ZOperation Sovereign Borders: dignified silence or diminishing democracy?<figure><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/38267/original/wwd6824y-1387426880.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=496&fit=clip" /><figcaption><span class="caption">Hiding the government's border control policy behind the word 'operational' makes the military their political pawns.</span> <span class="attribution"><span class="source">AAP/Scott Fisher</span></span></figcaption></figure><p>Recent reports that the Australian Navy has <a href="http://www.theage.com.au/federal-politics/political-news/australia-forces-asylum-seeker-boat-back-to-indonesia-20140107-30ea4.html">turned back</a> two asylum seeker boats to Indonesian waters remain shrouded under a veil of secrecy. Australia remains subject to downgraded levels of co-operation with Indonesia on people smuggling as a result of last year’s <a href="https://theconversation.com/diplomatic-crisis-can-the-pm-mend-our-relationship-with-indonesia-20551">spying standoff</a>.</p>
<p>Despite this, the Abbott government appears to have directed the Australian Defence Force to undertake legally questionable border control practices. “Pushing back” asylum seeker boats is a move not practised since Operation Relex under the Howard government.</p>
<p>The striking similarity is the concealment used by both governments to deceive the Australian public. Hiding government border control policy behind the word <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2013-09-23/government-won27t-reveal-when-boats-turned-back/4975742">“operational”</a> is a concerning move that diminishes the checks and balances of democratic control of the armed forces.</p>
<p>But for those who remember <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/news/national/truth-overboard--the-story-that-wont-go-away/2006/02/27/1141020023654.html?page=fullpage#contentSwap1">“Truth Overboard”</a>, the tensions between the military and political spheres are nothing new. During the 2001 election campaign, the Coalition government’s immigration policy to “turn back the boats” resulted in the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Children_Overboard_affair">Navy’s tow</a> of the dilapidated boat “The Olong” (also known as SIEV-4) to the point that it broke up. This sent people – including families and children – overboard. </p>
<p>In the same year, the Howard government authorised the Special Air Service Regiment (SASR) to board the vessel of a friendly country – <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tampa_affair">Norwegian freighter Tampa</a> – to prevent the asylum seekers onboard from reaching Australian soil.</p>
<figure class="align-right zoomable">
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/38603/original/jhnb4tsx-1389132392.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=1000&fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/38603/original/jhnb4tsx-1389132392.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=237&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/38603/original/jhnb4tsx-1389132392.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=877&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/38603/original/jhnb4tsx-1389132392.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=877&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/38603/original/jhnb4tsx-1389132392.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=877&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/38603/original/jhnb4tsx-1389132392.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=1103&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/38603/original/jhnb4tsx-1389132392.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=1103&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/38603/original/jhnb4tsx-1389132392.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=1103&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"></a>
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Tensions between the military and political spheres are nothing new for anyone who remembers the Tampa incident.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">AAP/Dean Lewins</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>The current Coalition government has instituted <a href="https://theconversation.com/tough-guys-operation-sovereign-borders-vs-the-png-solution-16443">Operation Sovereign Borders</a>, with weekly briefings and the capping of <a href="https://theconversation.com/should-operations-to-turn-the-boats-around-be-kept-secret-18670">information</a> on the events and practices of its immigration policy. This is all nested within the unusual circumstances of placing a military leader under the direct command of the immigration minister, embellished with inflammatory notions such as <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/7.30/content/2013/s3806305.htm">“the war against people smuggling”</a> or <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2013-10-21/immigration-minister-scott-morrison-defends-use-of-illegals-term/5035552">“illegal arrivals”</a>.</p>
<p>Politics academic Robert Manne <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/news/book-reviews/silencing-dissent/2007/02/09/1170524288496.html?page=fullpage">explains</a> that under the Howard government this camouflaged politics – the hiding and distorting of key government activities – was a:</p>
<blockquote>
<p>… partly instinctive and partly conscious policy of systematically silencing significant political dissent. </p>
</blockquote>
<p>So, is Operation Sovereign Borders another expression of diminishing democracy as a standard characteristic of recent conservative Australian governments?</p>
<p>The move to place the Australian Defence Force (ADF) in charge of immigration control is an expression of the political utility of democratic principles. Democratic control of the armed forces seeks to maintain sufficient separation between the military and executive government. The intent is to prevent the militarisation of executive governance, or alternatively the politicisation of the military.</p>
<p>But to what extent does Operation Sovereign Borders politicise the military and corrupt the separation between the state and the military? </p>
<p>Firstly, the military has been involved in managing asylum seekers entering Australian waters for some time. Commanders in the military operations in this domain have reported through the chain of command to the Chief of Defence (CDF). That is a constitutional principle of civil military relations.</p>
<p>Under Operation Sovereign Borders, the three-star general in charge – Lieutenant General Angus Campbell – reports directly to immigration minister Scott Morrison. It is an extraordinary move. Some argue that it exposes the military to undue politicisation. </p>
<p>In 2001, when [Operation Relex](<a href="http://www.defence.gov.au/oprelex2/">http://www.defence.gov.au/oprelex2/</a> was running under the Howard government, Australia’s [maritime obligations](http://www.imo.org/about/conventions/listofconventions/pages/international-convention-for-the-safety-of-life-at-sea-(solas),-1974.aspx) were repeatedly violated. <a href="http://www.aph.gov.au/binaries/senate/committee/maritime_incident_ctte/report/report.pdf">Official reports</a> on “truth overboard” demonstrated how ADF commanders were torn between their maritime obligations and the will of their political masters.</p>
<p>Captain Norman Banks, the commander of the HMAS Adelaide, was ordered from Canberra to fire over the bow of the <a href="http://sievx.com/testimony/individuals/CommanderNormanBanks.html">SIEV-4</a>. He then proceeded to tow the boat around the Indian Ocean while awaiting further instruction.</p>
<p>Ultimately, the SIEV-4 broke up and spilt its human cargo into the sea. In a bid to be re-elected, then-defence minister Peter Reith and prime minister John Howard <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/political-opinion/reith-rewrites-history-to-hide-the-shame-of-children-overboard-lie-20120831-255u3.html">reported</a> that asylum seekers were throwing their children overboard in a bid to be rescued. That event saw the public humiliation of Vice-Admiral David Shackleton, the then-Chief of Navy, for <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/7.30/content/2002/s513330.htm">truthfully reporting</a> on what happened at sea. </p>
<p>Is this not a clear expression of the politicisation of the military and the corruption of constitutional arrangements separating the state and the military, which we are now seeing repeated over a decade on? Invoking operational secrecy to shield policy decisions from scrutiny does threaten to turn the military into political pawns of the government.</p>
<p>Can we be confident that our commanders are not subject to inappropriate policy advice from Canberra? Are they subject to duress from the potential of political reprisal for placing their maritime obligations above the obligations of their political masters?</p>
<p>The current reporting arrangements mean that Operation Sovereign Borders is unable to be effectively questioned. The government tries at every point to camouflage its activities and decisions, but is aware of the thin edge upon which it travels. The separation of the reports on Operation Sovereign Border activities between commander and minister is a weak attempt to uphold their constitutional obligations.</p>
<p>The Australia Defence Association (ADA) has <a href="http://ada.asn.au/commentary/formal-comment/2013/coalitions-new-plan-to-combat-people-smuggling.html">explained</a> that Operation Sovereign Borders is a dubious move under our constitutional arrangements to place military command of an operation outside the military chain of command.</p>
<figure class="align-center ">
<img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/38262/original/z3n3xth3-1387425210.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/38262/original/z3n3xth3-1387425210.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/38262/original/z3n3xth3-1387425210.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/38262/original/z3n3xth3-1387425210.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=400&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/38262/original/z3n3xth3-1387425210.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/38262/original/z3n3xth3-1387425210.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/38262/original/z3n3xth3-1387425210.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=503&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px">
<figcaption>
<span class="caption">Operation Sovereign Borders has been instituted with the unusual circumstances of placing a military leader under the direct command of the immigration minister.</span>
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">AAP/Nikki Short</span></span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p>In effect, Operation Sovereign Borders is a militarisation of a humanitarian matter, taking the historical precedent and constitutional arrangement of civil military separation into undesirable territory. Transparency is diminished as the reporting of key events is whittled back to <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/blog/2013/dec/24/scott-morrison-always-short-on-answers-now-shy-with-questions">unsatisfying weekly briefings</a>. When the media ask questions regarding the week’s activities they are often placed on hold until the following week.</p>
<p>This secrecy extends to attempts within parliament to gather appropriate and reliable information on the government’s activities. Greens senator <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2013-11-19/indonesia-boat-buyback-estimates/5103066">Sarah Hanson-Young</a> and opposition leader <a href="http://www.abc.net.au/news/2013-11-10/bill-shorten-accuses-giovernment-of-hiding-behind-military-on-t/5081602">Bill Shorten</a> have given some attention to the government’s policy of silence on such matters.</p>
<p>Despite endless commentary by the Coalition when in opposition on boat arrivals prior to and during the election campaign, the government now closely controls the distribution of information on irregular arrivals to Australia.</p>
<p>When we look at the lack of transparency in a historical context, consider the breach of the civil-military constitutional protocol and begin to trace the patterns of deceit and secrecy, dignity and democracy are set to be the next forms of truth overboard.</p><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/21294/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
<p class="fine-print"><em><span>Ben Wadham does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.</span></em></p>Recent reports that the Australian Navy has turned back two asylum seeker boats to Indonesian waters remain shrouded under a veil of secrecy. Australia remains subject to downgraded levels of co-operation…Ben Wadham, Senior Lecturer, Flinders UniversityLicensed as Creative Commons – attribution, no derivatives.