When he grabbed power in 1990, Déby promised to create a democratic society, but he turned out to be a ruthless authoritarian whose main agenda was to remain in office.
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Articles on Democracy in Africa
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Although polarising, parliament's move to extend Farmaajo's term has presented a practical road-map to hold direct elections for the first time since 1969.
The resistance during this election cycle is even more passionate than in recent years.
The president leaves behind a legacy of extremes, on the one hand, a leader who wanted to create a better country for his people, and on the other, a ruthless authoritarian.
The legitimacy of SWAPO, the former liberation movement that has governed since 1990, has been eroded amid growing corruption and a deepening economic crisis.
It is often assumed that patrimonial beliefs fuel electoral malpractice whereas civic ones challenge it, but this is an oversimplification.
Biya’s long rule has robbed Cameroon of its credibility as a stable and peaceful country.
The former president is in a corner and largely isolated. His only option is to stir the pot so much that it gives him some kind of bargaining power.
In a country where judicial review is not constitutionally guaranteed, hate speech legislation could shackle freedom of expression and limit citizens' rights to express themselves.
Ethiopia’s party system is extremely volatile due to the prevalence of weakly institutionalised and fragmented political parties.
For those keen to advance democracy and freedom in Uganda, the starting point is to take in the lessons of history.
The more President Mnangagwa's government fails to engage democratically with its own citizens, the more it will negate any prospect of re-engagement with the West.
Although Niger's quest for entrenching democracy is a good development, poverty and insecurity are obstacles.
The November 2020 local and regional elections have indeed put Namibia’s political culture at a crossroads.
The changes proposed by the initiative are were well-addressed in the country's 2010 Constitution.
The trouble is that the ANC's branch structure, designed initially as a means of grassroots democracy at work, is in a mess.
For every office holder who may lose a seat because they are prosecuted, another job opens up.
After endless, futile negotiations with the Kabila camp, Tshisekedi appears to have finally recognised the limits of the coalition government and has lost patience.
President John Magufuli won a second term by a contested landslide and looks set to take even greater control of Tanzania's democratic space.
There are individual activists and political groupings who believe violent action is legitimate and use the circumstances to actively drive such behaviour.
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Top contributors
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Professor of Democracy, University of Birmingham
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Extraordinary Professor, Department of Political Sciences, University of Pretoria
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Associate Professor of International Studies, University of Nottingham
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Fellow, Clare Hall, University of Cambridge; Professor of Development Studies, University of Johannesburg
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Professor of Sociology, University of the Witwatersrand
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Professor of Political Studies, University of Johannesburg
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Lecturer in African History, Queen Mary University of London
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Lecturer of Political Science, Georgia Gwinnett College
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Extraordinary Lecturer and editor of ConstitutionNet, International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, University of Pretoria
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Professor, Department of Political Sciences, University of South Africa (UNISA), University of South Africa
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Honorary Professor of International Relations, University of the Witwatersrand
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Assistant Professor in the Department of Political Science, Michigan State University
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Emeritus Professor, University of Cape Town
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Director of the Centre for Global Development and Professor in the School of Education, University of Aberdeen
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Executive director, Africa Institute of South Africa, Human Sciences Research Council
