The April 1994 election proved to be a watershed for South Africa.
Academic rigor, journalistic flair
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It's unclear how relations between Addis Ababa and Asmara will develop but the warmth has largely gone.
Al-Bashir's ability to play a skillful combination of internal and external balancing acts, plus ruthless repression and a divided opposition, kept him in power for three decades.
Concern at the role of fake sites in influencing South African public opinion has been growing over time.
Leaders go in and out of fashion, making statues built in their memory a tricky issue.
Kenya is attacked far more than Ethiopia or other eastern African states by al-Shabaab militants.
Given the range of support for President Omar al-Bashir it isn't surprising that he's managed to resist pressure to step down.
It is difficult to see how the EU can allow its key African migration work to be supervised by Eritrea.
The lifting of UN Sanctions is unlikely to end internal and external pressure for reform and greater democracy in Eritrea.
For black South Africans, the hard lesson was the same as it had been during the Boer war: support for Britain would bring few rewards.
As South Africa became an international pariah, it began working in shady ways through even more shady operators, including getting arms from the Soviet Union and China.
Sería un error ridiculizar lo que se ha logrado en la región, pero aún queda mucho camino por recorrer.
It would be a mistake to ridicule what's been achieved in the Horn of Africa, but obstacles remain.
The Eritrean ports of Massawa and Assab will hum with life once more as trade flows through them.
Few believed they would see an end to two decades of hostility between Eritrea and Ethiopia.
Israel is deporting thousands of Eritrean asylum seekers to Rwanda, while in the US, many face being sent back to the country they fled.
Qatar withdrawing its troops has reignited tensions between Eritrea and Djibouti which the UN and African Union are trying to mediate. This comes as Eritrea is also embroiled in the Yemen civil war.
A deal to secure the southern Libyan border aims to stop migrants from attempting to cross the Mediterranean.
Eritreans are at risk of severe malnutrition – but aid agencies struggle to access those in need.
The growing Arab military, political and religious influence is only the latest example of an external force taking hold in the Horn of Africa.
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Authors
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Professor in the History of People, Place and Community, School of Advanced Study
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Professor of Hispanic and Latin American Studies and Director, Institute of Modern Languages Research, School of Advanced Study
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Director: Human Rights Consortium and Reader in Human Rights, School of Advanced Study
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Director of the Refugee Law Initiative, School of Advanced Study
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Associate Research Fellow, School of Advanced Study
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Lecturer in French Studies, School of Advanced Study
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Visiting Fellow at the Warburg Institute, School of Advanced Study
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Research Associate at the Human Rights Consortium, School of Advanced Study
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Senior Research Fellow at the Institute of Historical Research, School of Advanced Study
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Visiting Scholar, Stanford University and Teaching Fellow, School of Advanced Study
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Senior Research Fellow, Horn of Africa and Southern Africa, Institute of Commonwealth Studies, School of Advanced Study
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Director of the Institute of Commonwealth Studies and Professor of British and Commonwealth History, School of Advanced Study
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Deputy Curator, Photographic Collection, School of Advanced Study
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Professor of American Literature and Public Understanding of the Humanities, School of Advanced Study
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Reader, Institute of Commonwealth Studies, School of Advanced Study
