Residents of Bambo in North Kivu, eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, flee after M23 attacks in October 2023.
Alexis Huguet/AFP via Getty Images
The international effort to address three decades of violence in eastern DRC has drawn in the UN, east African troops and now a southern African force.
Regularising freer movement of people across African borders is one of the continent’s great developmental challenges.
Mozambican Armed Defence Forces being inspected in Cabo Delgado Province.
Simon Wohlfahrt/AFP via Getty Images
In parts of Nigeria and Mozambique, the central governments and state institutions are either absent or unable to address the dire socio-economic conditions and related instability.
Hawkers carry their produce to the market walking past a truck yard on on the border of Zambia and Zimbabwe.
Photo by Gideon Mendel/Corbis via Getty Images
Countries in southern Africa should start focusing on greater regional interconnectedness and collaboration.
A woman votes in Lesotho’s 2017 national election. New elections are due in October.
Gianluigi Guercia/AFP via Gettty Images
The country has had five governments in 10 years. Every time a government collapses, the reform programme follows suit.
Basotho men wearing the traditional blankets during the annual horse race held on the king’s birthday.
Lesotho has done a good job of curbing the powers of its monarch and making its electoral system inclusive.
African countries are still fixated on individual economic interests.
African countries are struggling to implement the African Union’s protocol on free movement four years after its ratification.
Mozambican soldiers on patrol in Palma,
Cabo Delgado, following the terrorist attack in March.
The maritime situation in Mozambique must not be allowed to emulate the maritime threats found off Nigeria, Somalia, and the rebel-held territories in Libya.
King Letsie III of Lesotho. Frustration with politicians has led to a rise in popularity of the monarchy in recent times.
CChris Jackson via Getty Images
A monarch with absolute powers is just as dangerous as self-serving politicians in a democracy.
Displaced people arrive in Pemba, Mozambique, after fleeing Palma following a brutal attack by Islamist insurgents in March.
John Wessels/AFF via Getty Images
The Southern African Development Community does not have a remarkable record of military interventions in civil conflicts in the region.
Some of the thousands of people displaced by the killings in the Cabo Delgado province.
Intervention in Cabo Delgado is a potentially dangerous move with far-reaching consequences for SADC if its efforts fail, or it becomes a protracted intervention.
Zimbabwe’s President Emmerson Mnangagwa meets his Chinese counterpart President Xi Jinping in Beijing, in 2018.
EPA-EFE/Lintao Zhang / POOL
The more President Mnangagwa’s government fails to engage democratically with its own citizens, the more it will negate any prospect of re-engagement with the West.
Hand hygiene is important to fight COVID-19 but how can you do that without water.
African leaders can make strategies to fight COVID-19 more accessible to the people.
Mosquitoes and parasites do not respect country borders.
Southern African Development Community countries are very connected. Highly mobile and migrant populations frequently cross borders, posing significant challenges to reaching a malaria-free region.
Zimbabwean migrants illegally cross Into South Africa.
John Moore/Getty Images
The militarisation of borders and securitisation of migration have always failed to stop irregular migration.
The Mozambican military has proven to be inept at stopping atrocities by extremist insurgents in the Cabo Delgado province.
Should South Africa’s military get involved, it would be venturing into a highly violent and complex landscape, requiring a counter-terrorism type of operations.
Moeketsi Majoro, Lesotho’s new Prime Minister. A minor constitutional amendment enabled his ascension to power.
The fundamental structure of the current constitution, which is cast in classical Westminster conceptions, is unsuited for modern-day constitutionalism.
Lesotho’s former Prime Minister Tom Thabane, left, and his successor Moeketsi Majoro, at the latter’s swearing in ceremony at the Royal Palace in Maseru.
Moeketsi Majoro’s installation as Prime Minister is welcome. But it does not guarantee much needed political stability in an era of complex coalition politics.
Lesotho’s embattled prime minister deployed troops onto the streets in April, ostensibly to ‘restore order’.
South Africa’s numerous interventions in Lesotho contribute to the acrimonious nature of its political culture.
Tom Thabane, prime minister of Lesotho, during a recent visit to Ethiopia.
Minasse Wondimu Hailu/Anadolu Agency/Getty Images)
Power is visibly draining away from Tom Thabane. But, even at 80 years old, he remains a wily operator, and seems determined to cause maximum trouble to secure his immunity from prosecution.