The Southern African Development Community Parliament will have the delicate job of ensuring good participatory regional governance while protecting national sovereignty.
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The SADC mission shows how difficult it is to run a large-scale military intervention, especially if the host government is not taking full ownership and supporting the operation.
The new intervention force must be sizeable, and have proper air cover as well as transport and air elements. None are guaranteed.
Chances of longer term peace are small because of the DRC’s assumption that it can achieve peace through sheer military force.
The international effort to address three decades of violence in eastern DRC has drawn in the UN, east African troops and now a southern African force.
Regularising freer movement of people across African borders is one of the continent’s great developmental challenges.
In parts of Nigeria and Mozambique, the central governments and state institutions are either absent or unable to address the dire socio-economic conditions and related instability.
Countries in southern Africa should start focusing on greater regional interconnectedness and collaboration.
The country has had five governments in 10 years. Every time a government collapses, the reform programme follows suit.
Lesotho has done a good job of curbing the powers of its monarch and making its electoral system inclusive.
African countries are struggling to implement the African Union’s protocol on free movement four years after its ratification.
The maritime situation in Mozambique must not be allowed to emulate the maritime threats found off Nigeria, Somalia, and the rebel-held territories in Libya.
A monarch with absolute powers is just as dangerous as self-serving politicians in a democracy.
The Southern African Development Community does not have a remarkable record of military interventions in civil conflicts in the region.
Intervention in Cabo Delgado is a potentially dangerous move with far-reaching consequences for SADC if its efforts fail, or it becomes a protracted intervention.
The more President Mnangagwa’s government fails to engage democratically with its own citizens, the more it will negate any prospect of re-engagement with the West.
African leaders can make strategies to fight COVID-19 more accessible to the people.
Southern African Development Community countries are very connected. Highly mobile and migrant populations frequently cross borders, posing significant challenges to reaching a malaria-free region.
The militarisation of borders and securitisation of migration have always failed to stop irregular migration.
Should South Africa’s military get involved, it would be venturing into a highly violent and complex landscape, requiring a counter-terrorism type of operations.
Top contributors
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Head of Department, Public and Environmental Law Department, University of Limpopo
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Professor of Sociology, University of the Witwatersrand
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Professor of Political Science, Department of Political Studies and Governance, University of the Free State
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Research Coordinator, Security Institute for Governance and Leadership in Africa, Stellenbosch University
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Senior Research Fellow, Centre for the Advancement of Scholarship, University of Pretoria., University of Pretoria
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Extraordinary Professor, Department of Political Sciences, University of Pretoria
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Research Fellow New South Institute, Emeritus Professor at The Nelson Mandela School of Public Governance, University of Cape Town
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Associate Professor, Security Institute for Governance and Leadership In Africa (SIGLA), Stellenbosch University
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PhD Candidate, Department of Political Science and Public Administration, University of Nairobi
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Emeritus Professor, University of Cape Town
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Governance specialist in the School of Governance, University of South Africa
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Chief Scientist, CSIR Natural Resources & the Environment/Associate Researcher, University of the Witwatersrand
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Senior Lecturer, Anthropology, University of the Witwatersrand, University of the Witwatersrand
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Visiting Adjunct Professor, School of Governance, University of the Witwatersrand
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Lecturer in African History, Queen Mary University of London
