The use of body cameras by police forces raises questions about surveillance, privacy and regulation.
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Across the United States, police are shielded from both public and departmental accountability by multiple layers of contractual and legislative protections.
Young men make up the majority of black people killed by police in the US. That's fed a perception that black women are somehow shielded from the threat of police violence. They aren't.
Police forces across the country now have access to surveillance technologies that were recently available only to national intelligence services. The digitization of bias and abuse of power followed.
Another world is possible when we defund and reimagine policing as we know it. A review of police budgets could mean more money towards community initiatives.
The provincial government has funding to support non-police safety and well-being initiatives — but 99 per cent of it just supplements police budgets.
For decades, there's been a concerted effort by law enforcement to ensure their perspectives – and not those of people being policed – dominate prime-time television.
Iraq, Guatemala and the autonomous region of Bougainville have all tried to demilitarise their police forces – with varying degrees of success.
Will police accept the challenge of ending
Māori over-representation at every stage of the criminal justice system in Aotearoa-New Zealand?
There is no good police versus bad police. Police are police. They are the states' organ of repression. There are a myriad of better scenarios than the current one.
For almost a century, American popular culture has perpetuated the idea that only journalists working in foreign countries could be in danger.
The militarization of local police departments has been associated with an increase in police violence against citizens.
Laws enabling citizens to apprehend suspects, which date back to medieval England, were historically used in the US to suppress slave revolts.
Police officers put themselves and their families in harm's way in order to stop crime and protect us. But who protects them?
Fears of looming totalitarianism are unfounded, despite some valid concerns about new COVID-19 laws.
Black lives are further in peril in a time of COVID-19. Subject to death on both the public health and policing fronts, we will not be silent.
Nearly 90% of emergency service staff have experienced stress, low mood and poor mental health.
With officers being hit by illness, arrests have dropped during the coronavirus crisis. Meanwhile crime rates have remained static, or even fallen. Is it time to rethink policing?
Many people are unaware of their rights and options if they receive a penalty notice, especially if they think they've done nothing wrong.
We need to be clearer about what’s at stake when deciding how, for what purpose, and against whom, police authority is deployed.
Kontributor teratas
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Associate Professor in Criminology, Bond University
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Emeritus Professor Monash University, Monash University
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Associate Professor in Telecommunications Engineering, Swinburne University of Technology
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Emeritus Professor of Law and Criminal Justice, University of South Australia
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Senior Lecturer in Italian and Politics, University of Bath
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Associate Professor of Sociology, Emmanuel College
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Director of the Institute of Governance, University of Edinburgh
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Lecturer in Sociology, University of Edinburgh
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Sessional Lecturer, Department of Economics, University of Melbourne
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Professor of Work and Organisation, Queensland University of Technology
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Director, Monash Gender and Family Violence Prevention Centre; Associate Professor of Criminology, Faculty of Arts, Monash University
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Senior Lecturer in Social Work, University of Salford
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Professor of Criminology & Public Policy, University of Brighton
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Lecturer in Law, University of Technology Sydney
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Researcher in Crowd Behaviour, University of Brighton
