Congress and the White House are trying to wrap up negotiations on a nearly $1 trillion coronavirus bailout, but Senate Republican demands for a liability shield has been a key obstacle.
While Trump’s nominee to join the Fed favors returning to the gold standard, an economist explains why the US and the rest of the world abandoned it in the first place.
Yes, Trump doesn’t like to lose. But his obstruction of the presidential election result has another goal: galvanising his base for the Senate runoff elections in Georgia in January.
If he wins the White House, Joe Biden will likely have to deal with a Republican-controlled Senate and a lot of Americans who believe he is not the legitimate president.
Nicholas G. Napolio, USC Dornsife College of Letters, Arts and Sciences et Christian Grose, USC Dornsife College of Letters, Arts and Sciences
With several senators testing positive for the coronavirus, and many older than 65, political scientists look at 1954, when senators’ deaths changed control of the chamber.
Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg’s death has sparked a battle over the future of the Supreme Court. Against that backdrop, a nominee faces prescribed steps towards a confirmation vote in the Senate.
Senate Republicans continue to push for sweeping liability protection for companies from coronavirus-related lawsuits, but research and evidence suggests there’s little real risk.
There aren’t any clear ideological differences between the two, and Senate incumbents who aren’t embroiled in scandal rarely, if ever, lose. So what’s Kennedy’s calculation?
A hostile Senate has, in recent history, made the president’s job very difficult. To really effect change, Democrats need to not just win the White House, but Congress too.