The voices of IS’s victims must be heard.
alexskopje via Shutterstock
IS is a distinctive kind of threat – and the atrocities it’s committed demand a tailor-made form of justice.
The massacre of 8,000 Muslim Bosniaks in a few days in 1995 must never be forgotten.
Inside the 1994 Kigali Genocide Memorial.
An investigative work by journalist Judi Rever is an indictment, describing massacres committed by the Kagame regime so as to establish their qualification as a genocide.
Immigrant rights advocates speak against Trump’s policies in New Mexico.
AP Photo/Russell Contreras, File
Trump’s defense of harsh immigration tactics and dehumanizing language should ring alarm bells, according to two scholars who study how to prevent mass atrocities.
Colombian soldiers at a concert tribute to the army.
As reports of crimes against humanity mount, Colombia’s post-conflict justice system is still moving desperately slowly.
file tq c.
Writing about Rwanda sometimes gives the impression of crossing a minefield. It is not a question of controversies between researchers but of denunciation and intimidation.
The genocide memorial in Kigali. Humanitarian workers in Rwanda had to deal daily with the horrors of war.
It is shocking to see the extent to which humanitarian workers in Rwanda became regular eyewitnesses to violence, murder and large-scale massacres in 1994.
Esther Utjiua Muinjangue commemorates the victims of the German colonial genocide in Namibia.
In mid-2015 the German Foreign Office after decades of denial seemingly acceded, in a very informal way, to labelling what had happened in South West Africa as genocide, is now backtracking.
Former Congolese rebel warlord, Jean-Pierre Bemba.
Under the Rome Statute, court ordered reparations are available to victims after the accused is found guilty. In the case of Jean-Pierre Bemba Gombo, this involves over 5,000 victims.
It’s still unclear whether Zimbabwe will manage an effective transition to participatory democracy and freedom. And the current signs are not encouraging.
Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir returned to Khartoum, after evading possible arrest in South Africa in 2015.
The ICC has been criticised for not acting against South Africa after it failed to arrest Sudan’s president in 2015. But, the court actually acted sensibly given the challenges it faces.
French President Francois Hollande delivers a speech acknowledging the ordeals of former French colonies.
Should France apologise for committing war-time atrocities?
Omar al-Bashir (centre, blue suit) at the infamous 2015 African Union summit in Johannesburg.
Arguably Africa’s most powerful diplomatic player, South Africa is now backing out of the world’s most important mechanism for bringing war criminals to justice.
Sudan’s President Omar al-Bashir during a rally against the ICC.
Mohamed Nureldin Abdallah/Reuters
The South African government’s decision to withdraw from the ICC should not be seen in isolation. The African Union has called on its member states to withdraw from the court.
Former Chadian dictator Hissène Habré at his trial in Senegal for crimes against humanity.
The trial of Chad’s former dictator could provide a template for prosecutions of other African despots. Its success could be seen as a victory for African justice over international approaches.
In Egypt, the Great Pyramid was illuminated with the French, Russian and Lebanese flags in solidarity with victims of terrorist attacks, but most of the focus in the West has been on the victims in Paris.
Selective sympathy raises troubling questions. If you neglect suffering in other places, it is much more difficult to mobilise political actors to take it seriously.
South Africa’s President Jacob Zuma being welcomed on his arrival in Khartoum by Sudan’s President Omar al-Bashir earlier this year.
Reuters/Mohamed Nureldin Abdallah
South Africa’s withdrawal from the ICC could have mere symbolic value. The country will continue to have obligations to binding decisions taken by the UN Security Council – including those pertaining to the court.
Sudan’s President Omar Hassan al-Bashir addresses members of the UN Security Council in Khartoum in 2008.
Reuters/Mohamed Nureldin Abdallah
Omar al-Bashir’s planned trip to New York to address a summit on sustainable development at the UN General Assembly involves considerable reputational risk for the US.
Former Chadian leader Hissène Habré reacts as he is escorted by Senegalese police into the Palais de Justice in Dakar, Senegal, on July 20. He is accused of crimes against humanity and mass murder.
Former Chadian President Hissène Habré’s disruption of his trial, questioning its authority over him, is a tried and tested defence strategy used by revolutionaries and rulers for eons.
Does relentlessly criticising Australia’s human rights record risk doing more harm than good?
Australia’s human rights record isn’t perfect, but it still good. if Australians aren’t able to take some pride in that and be inspired to do even better, over-the-top criticism could backfire.